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The document analyzes river flood risks in the EU27, finding that combined climate and socio-economic changes could increase expected annual damages (EAD) from €5.5 billion in the baseline period to €97.9 billion by the 2080s under a medium-high emission scenario (A1B). It emphasizes that socio-economic growth is as significant a driver of damage as climate change. Adaptation to maintain 1-in-100-year protection levels is projected to provide substantial benefits, reducing EAD by up to €50 billion per year by the 2080s, with estimated annual adaptation costs rising to €7.9 billion in the same period. The report highlights significant uncertainty across different climate models, which can project opposite directions of risk change at local levels, necessitating flexible and robust adaptation strategies.

The research argues that both economic and political horizontal inequalities (HIs) are significant drivers of ethno-nationalist civil war. Using a novel combination of geo-coded ethnic settlement data and spatial wealth measures, the authors find that ethnic groups whose wealth deviates significantly from the national average—whether they are relatively affluent or impoverished—are more prone to conflict. This effect persists even when controlling for political exclusion from executive power, which itself is a strong predictor of conflict. The findings challenge contemporary 'opportunity-based' theories of civil war that dismiss grievances, suggesting instead that structural asymmetries act as mobilizational resources for collective violence.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The report identifies 'Carbon Fat Cats'—companies that received excessive free emissions permits under Phase 2 of the EU ETS (2008-2012). It finds that the top ten companies held 35 million surplus permits in 2008, valued at €500 million, with projected surpluses reaching 230 million permits (€3.2 billion) by 2012. This over-allocation in industrial sectors like iron, steel, and cement means that a small number of power companies, specifically RWE and EON, must deliver the majority of the scheme's net emissions reductions. The report argues that this creates competitive distortions and undermines climate targets, recommending higher ambition (a 30% cut by 2020), limited access to overseas offsets, and the cancellation of Member State reserves.

The report details a seminar on the complexities of unionisation within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). It examines the tension between constitutional rights to freedom of association and the requirements of military discipline and national security. Key discussions focus on the adversarial relationship between the Department of Defence (DOD) and unions like SANDU, the impact of underfunding and deteriorating equipment on soldier morale, and the need for improved grievance mechanisms and a National Defence Force Service Commission to address service conditions.

The study examines the co-decision procedure involving the European Commission, the European Parliament (EP), and the Council of the EU. It finds that informal processes, such as coalition-building and the leadership of the French Presidency, exerted more influence on the final policy outcome than formal rules. While the EP pushed for stricter social and environmental sustainability criteria, the final agreement largely reflected the economic and rational interests of the Commission and the Council, with the Council emerging as the most dominant actor.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis, characterized by contested elections and state power abuse, necessitates a transitional government. Unlike a government of national unity, a transitional government acts as a short-term caretaker to draft a new constitution and create an environment for free and fair elections. The author proposes an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, potentially with Robert Mugabe remaining as president under strict checks and balances, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis and the contested re-election of Robert Mugabe in June 2008 necessitate a transitional government rather than a government of national unity. It defines a transitional government as a short-term caretaker authority tasked with drafting a new constitution and preparing for legitimate elections. The author proposes a one-year mandate for an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The document analyzes the legal tensions between GATS trade liberalization and the regulation of water services, which are often natural monopolies. It examines how different WTO Members use 'specific commitments' to carve out public utilities and preserve the ability to impose universal service obligations and subsidies. The authors argue that the ambiguity of GATS terms and the political pressure on developing countries may lead to a loss of regulatory autonomy over essential water services.

The document describes a project to evaluate climate change mitigation policies and measures (PAM) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) using a specific framework of six criteria: environmental outcomes, economic/social outcomes, technical outcomes, institution building potential, project sustainability, and dissemination/replication potential. Applying these criteria to case studies in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia revealed that while quantitative project data is accessible, qualitative factors like institutional development are harder to measure but critical for scaling. Findings varied by country, highlighting the effectiveness of small-scale municipal energy efficiency in Bulgaria, the limitations of planned transport measures in the Czech Republic, and the role of soft financing in Hungary and Poland to overcome economic barriers to renewables and efficiency.

The document examines the energy transition in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), highlighting the region's shift away from Russian energy dependence toward a diversified 'all-of-the-above' approach. It identifies significant potential for the region to lead in clean tech manufacturing and innovation, particularly in batteries, small modular reactors (SMRs), and carbon capture, while leveraging the EU's Just Transition Fund to reskill coal workers and build innovation hubs.

The document advocates for the deployment of carbon capture and storage (CCS) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to protect its industrial base from rising carbon prices and ensure a just transition. It highlights that CEE industries, particularly cement and steel, are critical for national defence and economic resilience but face a competitive disadvantage due to limited storage access. The text argues that domestic CO2 storage is significantly more cost-effective than export-reliant scenarios, necessitating cross-border infrastructure collaboration.

The document presents nuclear energy as a critical, low-carbon complement to renewables for meeting growing global electricity demand, specifically within Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the region's existing nuclear infrastructure and the potential for new deployments to achieve EU climate-neutrality goals. The text addresses safety, waste management, and costs, noting that while upfront capital expenditures are high, nuclear power is among the safest and cleanest energy sources available.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) issued climate-related recommendations or questions to 35 out of 43 States considered in 2023. The Committee primarily focused on the differentiated impact of climate change on women, emphasizing the need for gender-responsive strategies in adaptation and disaster risk reduction, as well as the increased vulnerability of rural, Indigenous, migrant, and refugee women. While less frequent than adaptation, the Committee also addressed mitigation policies, fossil fuel extraction—specifically criticizing Norway's expansion of oil and gas permits in the Arctic—and the necessity of women's participation in the UNFCCC loss and damage fund.

The statement argues that the World Bank's recent updates to the Inspection Panel's Toolkit are insufficient to modernize the independent accountability mechanism. While welcoming the addition of an advisory role and improved information sharing, the signatories contend that the failure to implement monitoring and dispute resolution functions leaves the Panel deficient compared to other mechanisms. They specifically criticize the reliance on the management-led Grievance Redress Service (GRS) as a substitute for independent dispute resolution and call for the complaint filing deadline to be extended to at least two years after project completion or loan closure.

A group of NGOs argues that the European Commission's proposal to amend the Aarhus Regulation fails to meet international law standards for access to justice. The statement highlights that the current internal review mechanism is ineffective, with most NGO requests rejected as inadmissible. The signatories demand amendments to include 'implementing measures', State aid decisions, and cost protections for NGOs to ensure the delivery of the European Green Deal and compliance with the Aarhus Convention.

A coalition of European civil society organisations (CSOs) is protesting a campaign of disinformation led by some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from the European People’s Party (EPP) and far-right groups. The attack specifically targets the legitimacy of public funding for environmental NGOs under the LIFE programme. The statement argues that independent CSOs are essential for a functioning democracy and a fully informed decision-making process, contrasting the modest public grants received by NGOs with the high spending of corporate lobbyists in Brussels.

The analysis of 15 draft NECPs reveals a significant increase in wind and solar capacity targets since 2019, bringing the EU closer to REPowerEU goals, though still falling short. While renewable electricity is projected to generate 66-67% of EU electricity by 2030, the report highlights a critical lack of quantified targets for electricity storage and clean flexibility. Furthermore, the document criticises the poor quality and transparency of data provided in the draft plans, which hinders accountability and investment signals.

The document advocates for the adoption of the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a 'shared language' to harmonise fragmented sustainability data across governments, businesses, and investors. It identifies three primary barriers to this alignment: the proliferation of disconnected datasets, tenuous links between data suppliers and users, and data inequalities affecting the poorest populations. To overcome these, the report proposes five principles: setting direction through benchmarking, connecting stakeholders, sharing open data, integrating goals into institutional DNA, and communicating progress through integrated reporting. The text highlights the systemic risk of ignoring these goals, using the 2011 Thailand floods as an example of how environmental shocks create global economic disruptions.

The document outlines the legal challenges faced by communities regarding land and resource rights, specifically the lack of recognition for customary laws and state ownership of sub-soil resources. It provides a comprehensive directory of international instruments, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ILO Convention 169, as well as business and finance guidelines (e.g., UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, IFC Performance Standards) that can be used to empower communities. The guide suggests including customary laws, governance structures, and specific national/international legal references in community protocols to define terms for external engagement and protect cultural and environmental heritage.