Search Climate Insights Directory

ClientEarth argues that EU State aid rules must be transformed into sustainability instruments that prohibit support for fossil fuels and harmful biomass, while prioritizing energy efficiency and renewable energy. The document calls for the strict application of the 'Energy Efficiency First' principle, the exclusion of low-carbon (fossil gas-based) hydrogen from subsidies, and the removal of aid for high-efficiency combined heat and power (CHP) plants. It further recommends increasing support for energy communities, zero-emission vehicles, and energy efficiency in buildings, while introducing a 'greenwashing test' to ensure the environmental integrity of aid beneficiaries.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of European CO2 storage capacity, highlighting the North Sea Basin and the Norwegian shelf as the most prospective areas. It details storage potentials in saline aquifers, hydrocarbon fields, and storage reservoirs across various European regions, while also mapping stationary emission sources, noting that power generation is the dominant emitting sector.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2021 finds that no country is currently on a path compliant with the Paris Agreement goals. While the EU improved its ranking to 16th place and countries like Sweden, the UK, and Denmark lead, major G20 emitters including the USA, Saudi Arabia, and Russia are rated 'very low'. The report highlights a divide between high-performing smaller nations and developing countries like Morocco, Chile, and India, and the lowest-performing fossil fuel producing nations.

The report finds that while renewable electricity generation in the EU is projected to nearly double by 2030, the region is not on track to meet the European Commission's recommended 55% emissions reduction. Seven countries—Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechia, Germany, Italy, Poland, and Romania—are identified as the primary barriers to the transition, collectively accounting for 80% of projected 2030 power sector emissions.

The report finds that 11 of 18 EU coal-using countries lack Paris-compatible phase-out plans, with seven not planning to exit coal by 2030 and four replacing coal with increased fossil gas. It argues that the Just Transition Fund's current allocation methodology risks funding 'climate laggards,' as nearly two-thirds of the fund would go to countries without 2030 phase-out plans. The authors recommend making fund access conditional on ambitious coal phase-out dates and strictly excluding all fossil fuels, including gas, from the fund's scope.

The report examines the socioeconomic impacts of industrial decline and evaluates the effectiveness of various transition responses. It argues that successful 'just' transitions require early strategic planning, multi-stakeholder governance, and a holistic approach to regional economic development that builds on existing local capabilities rather than seeking a single industrial replacement. Through case studies in the US, UK, Australia, and South Africa, the document highlights the risks of uneven benefit distribution, the importance of reskilling over simple monetary compensation, and the necessity of addressing environmental legacies to enable land reuse.

As of July 2020, 19 countries and the European Union have adopted net-zero targets. The document compares these targets across several dimensions: the coverage of greenhouse gases (GHGs) and domestic sectors, the target year for achievement, whether separate emissions reduction targets exist, the use of international GHG mitigation, and the legal status of the targets.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The We Mean Business coalition calls on governments to integrate climate action into economic recovery plans following the Covid-19 pandemic. Citing support from over 700 businesses, the statement advocates for prioritizing investments in clean power, electric mobility, zero-carbon infrastructure, and nature-based solutions to avoid future systemic shocks and create a sustainable labour market.

The authors contend that EU stimulus plans must prioritize a zero-carbon future to avoid exacerbating climate risks. They highlight broad business support for this transition, citing various corporate coalitions and analysis suggesting that green projects offer higher short-term returns and more job creation than traditional stimulus. The statement calls for the strengthening of the European Green Deal, specifically targeting a 2030 emissions reduction of at least 55%, and recommends targeted investments in green infrastructure, innovation, and workforce reskilling.

In the first half of 2019, EU coal generation fell by 19%, driven by the growth of wind and solar power, a shift toward fossil gas due to rising carbon prices, and specific plant closures. Germany experienced the largest absolute decline, while eastern European countries saw smaller reductions due to slower renewable energy deployment. The report argues that while carbon pricing has made coal less profitable, further declines require accelerated plant closures and increased investment in clean energy and grid infrastructure to ensure a full transition.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

Global green bond issuance grew by 3% in 2018 to USD 167.3bn, with the USA, China, and France remaining the top national markets. While growth slowed compared to 2017, the broader labelled bond market—including sustainability and social bonds—increased by 13% to USD 226.1bn. The Asia-Pacific region saw the highest growth rate at 35%, and financial corporates became a primary driver of issuance. The report also notes a trend toward larger, benchmark-sized bonds and the emergence of sovereign blue bonds.

The report finds that currently agreed EU and Member State policies are on track to deliver a 50% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, surpassing the existing 40% target. Using the E3ME model, the analysis suggests that further adjustments to coal phase-outs, energy efficiency, and electric vehicle penetration could increase this reduction to 58%. However, the report warns that the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) remains vulnerable to a growing surplus of allowances as emissions fall faster than the current cap, necessitating reforms such as a one-off cap reset in 2026 to maintain a meaningful carbon price.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The document warns that without a 550gCO2/kWh limit on capacity payments, Europe's 256 operational coal plants could be 'supercharged', potentially extending their design life from 40 to 60 years. It identifies multiple EU policy gaps—including low carbon prices, biomass co-firing, and mining cross-subsidies—that already favour coal. The author contends that poorly designed capacity markets risk crowding out flexible, low-carbon alternatives like batteries and demand-side response, arguing that clean capacity is already cheaper than extending old coal plants.

The brief finds that while 66% of EU cities have climate plans, there is significant disparity based on city size and national legislation. National mandates in countries like Denmark and the UK significantly increase the likelihood of cities having plans, while many cities in Spain and Italy rely on international networks like the Covenant of Mayors due to a lack of national guidance.

The global green bond market reached a cumulative issuance of USD 521bn by 2018, with USD 167.6bn issued in 2018 alone. The USA, China, and France emerged as the leading national markets. The report highlights a significant increase in issuance from financial institutions, particularly commercial banks, and a growing trend toward shorter-dated bonds. While Europe remains the largest overall market, the Asia-Pacific region saw the highest year-on-year growth at 35%. The market is also diversifying into other labelled instruments, including sustainability, social, and blue bonds, and expanding into emerging markets through the adoption of regional standards like the ASEAN Green Bond Standards.

The research examines the capacity of 'old industrial regions' (OIRs) to transition from declining mature industries to new growth paths. It utilizes the Regional Innovation Systems (RIS) framework to analyze 'lock-in'—functional, cognitive, and political—that hinders diversification. Using examples like Germany's Ruhr region, the paper argues that successful renewal requires 'regional branching' based on existing capabilities and a shift from top-down mandates to inclusive, bottom-up 'regional development coalitions'. It provides a typology of innovation support and warns against the 'regional resource curse' where renewable energy transitions may fail to create localized value.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.