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The Agri-Smallholder Resilience Fund (ASRF) is a USD 22.5 million blended finance vehicle designed to address a USD 7 billion agricultural credit gap in the Philippines. Managed by the agri-tech platform Mayani, the fund utilizes a three-tier capital structure—comprising senior debt (50%), junior debt (30%), and catalytic first-loss capital (20%)—to provide loans to agri-aqua cooperatives. The ASRF employs a 'whole-of-value-chain' de-risking strategy that bundles working capital with parametric insurance, corporate offtake agreements, climate-smart inputs, and cold storage infrastructure. A USD 1 million pilot targeting 2,800 farmers in the Cordillera Mountain region will precede a full rollout aiming to reach 8,800 smallholders over five years. The fund targets a debtholder internal rate of return (IRR) of approximately 9% and projects annual greenhouse gas emission reductions of 4,400 to 10,600 tonnes of CO2e for the pilot phase.

The Clean Economy Fund (CEF) is a USD 75 million structured-equity fund targeting a financing gap for Indian climate tech companies seeking USD 1-10 million. It employs a two-stage investment approach using convertible notes for early commercialization and direct equity for early growth, supported by a 20% junior tranche to absorb downside risks from non-converting notes. The fund focuses on three verticals: industrial solutions, energy systems, and the built environment. It aims for a first close of USD 35-40 million by mid-to-late 2026, targeting a mitigation impact of 15 megatons of CO2e over ten years.

The report examines 'coal transition credits' as a financial tool for early coal plant closure in Southeast Asia. It finds significant expert skepticism, with only 2 out of 10 experts viewing them as effective. Major risks identified include carbon leakage, baseline inflation, and 'perverse incentives' that may reward polluters. The document concludes that CTCs are not a reliable exit strategy and emphasizes the need for systemic public policy and funding over market-based offsets.

The report examines 'coal transition credits' (CTC)—carbon credits generated by retiring coal plants early and replacing them with renewables—as a way to fund the energy transition in Southeast Asia. Based on a survey of 10 experts, the document finds deep skepticism regarding the instrument's effectiveness. Key concerns include 'carbon leakage' (where retired capacity is replaced by other fossil fuels), the subjectivity of baseline scenarios leading to over-issuance, and the risk of 'greenwashing' or rewarding polluters. Experts highlight that only 2 out of 10 view CTCs as effective, warning that without strict safeguards, these credits could undermine genuine decarbonization and fail to provide a 'just transition' for affected workers and communities.

The report analyzes the role of nominee companies—middlemen that hold shares in name only—in masking the identities of investors in Australian coal, oil, and gas projects. It finds that these structures obscure approximately 18% of Australia's national fossil fuel CO2 emissions and are predominantly operated by major global banks. The document highlights a lack of regulatory requirements for nominee disclosure in Australia, which allows investors, including some superannuation funds, to maintain stakes in high-emitting assets while avoiding public scrutiny.

The report critiques 'coal transition offsets' (CTOs), specifically those promoted by the Rockefeller Foundation's Coal-to-Clean-Credit Initiative (CCCI) and Singapore's Traction Coalition. It argues that CTOs inherit the systemic failures of the broader carbon offset market, including non-additionality and over-crediting. Through analysis of pilot projects in the Philippines, the document demonstrates how CTOs may not actually accelerate plant closures and can create perverse incentives for policymakers to avoid mandating coal phaseouts. The author recommends shifting focus from individual plant buyouts to systemic energy reforms, such as grid modernization and the renegotiation of power purchase agreements (PPAs) to reduce the financial burden of retiring coal assets.

The document analyzes the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, claiming a return to 'New Order' style governance. It highlights the centralization of economic power through the Danantara sovereign wealth fund, the expansion of the military's role in civilian bureaucracy and national development projects, and a surge in the criminalization of activists and protesters. The report argues that the administration prioritizes extractive industries and the interests of political loyalists and oligarchs over public welfare and democratic principles.

The report identifies a significant global health and economic toll from red and processed meat consumption, which is linked to type II diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and cancer. It highlights a 'treatment-over-prevention' trend in wealthy nations, particularly in Europe, where robust healthcare systems mitigate disease outcomes at a high financial cost. The authors argue that implementing fiscal policies and dietary interventions to reduce meat intake could save billions in healthcare spending and significantly reduce premature mortality and disability.

The report analyzes climate finance flows in Southeast Asia, finding a heavy reliance on international capital despite growing domestic interest. It focuses on Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, identifying that while corporates are the primary local investors, institutional and financial institutions remain underutilized due to risk perceptions and loan tenor mismatches. The document argues that blended finance—through guarantees, technical assistance, and project aggregation—can catalyze local investment in nature-based solutions, adaptation, and utility-scale renewables.

The document analyzes the shift in international trade from a focus on liberalization toward 'multipurpose' approaches driven by geopolitics and national security. It argues that this complexity provides opportunities to embed nature and climate goals into trade agendas. The author proposes a new paradigm that reframes trade as a strategic tool for sustainability, emphasizing a 'nature-positive' narrative and the integration of climate mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. Key recommendations include reorienting trade rules to reward sustainable production, scaling the diffusion of green technologies, and ensuring that developing countries are not unfairly burdened by environmental requirements. The paper identifies multiple entry points for action, including WTO reform, regional agreements like AfCFTA, and the implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

The briefing examines the Tangguh LNG project in West Papua, Indonesia, highlighting its environmental and social impacts and the role of multilateral development banks (MDBs) in its financing. It argues that the proposed expansion to Train 4 and the implementation of carbon capture, utilisation, and storage (CCUS) are 'false solutions' that prolong fossil fuel dependency. The document criticises the ADB, IFC, and AIIB for inadequate Paris Alignment methodologies and energy policies that allow continued gas investment. It recommends that MDBs cease all fossil fuel funding, plug financial intermediary loopholes, and strengthen accountability mechanisms for affected Indigenous communities.

Indonesia is the world's sixth largest methane emitter, yet investment in methane reduction remains critically low, with only USD 1.5 billion received against an estimated USD 2.5 trillion needed for the Agriculture and Waste sectors. The author proposes that the upcoming TKBI Version 3 (expected Q1 2026) should include granular technical screening criteria (TSC) for high-impact activities—such as leak detection and repair in fossil fuels, alternate wetting and drying in rice paddies, and anaerobic digestion in waste management—to make these projects bankable for private investors. By aligning with global benchmarks like the EU Taxonomy and the Singapore-Asia Taxonomy, Indonesia can pre-emptively meet international requirements, such as the 2024 EU Methane Regulation, and mobilize capital through its sustainable finance framework.

The report analyzes the tension between national cybersecurity measures—such as data localization, technical standards, and technology bans—and the goal of open digital trade. It finds that while cybersecurity is essential for trust in the digital economy, divergent domestic regulations create market fragmentation and trade barriers. The document evaluates the lack of specific cybersecurity rules in WTO treaties, the emergence of 'soft' aspirational provisions in Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) and Digital Economy Agreements (DEAs), and the significant 'cyber capacity' gap facing developing countries and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). It concludes with recommendations for evidence-based domestic frameworks and enhanced international technical assistance to bridge the digital divide.

Since April 2025, the United States has imposed high tariffs on several ASEAN nations, leading these countries to prioritize negotiation and diversification over retaliation. While Vietnam and Thailand faced the highest tariffs (up to 46% and 36% respectively), most members are balancing individual bilateral talks with a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia as the 2025 ASEAN chair. Strategies include increasing U.S. imports of energy and aircraft, leveraging the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and implementing domestic stimulus packages, such as Thailand's USD 15 billion fund, to protect local industries.

The paper examines how trade policy can accelerate the clean energy transition by expanding access to renewable technologies. It highlights the role of the APEC List of Environmental Goods and the need to address non-tariff measures and global value chain complexities. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach that includes preferential treatment for components and services to reduce the cost and increase the efficiency of renewable energy deployment.

The report details a framework of seven indicators designed to evaluate how well non-Annex I countries communicate climate finance needs and strategies in their NDCs to attract private and international capital. The methodology employs a graduated scoring system from 'absent' to 'strong' to measure the 'investability' of these documents. As of May 31, 2025, the framework was applied to 18 non-Annex I parties, comparing their most recent submissions with previous ones to track progress in financial transparency and planning.

The Green Guarantee Group (GGG) argues that while guarantees are highly catalytic for mobilizing private climate finance in EMDEs, they remain underutilized due to regulatory barriers, high currency risks, data gaps, and institutional fragmentation. The report proposes clarifying the supervisory treatment of guarantees under the Basel Framework, developing local currency risk markets, expanding the Global Emerging Markets Risk Database (GEMs) to include guarantee performance, and strengthening national and regional guarantee platforms. These measures aim to support the goal of mobilizing USD 1.3 trillion annually by 2035 for EMDEs.

The Corporate Climate Responsibility Monitor 2025 finds that none of the 20 assessed companies demonstrate a climate strategy of 'reasonable' or 'high' integrity. The report highlights that 2030 emission reduction targets are increasingly 'unfit for purpose' due to structural obstacles, including incomplete emissions disclosures and sector-specific accounting malpractices. In the tech sector, soaring energy demand from AI and a reliance on outdated market-based accounting for electricity undermine target credibility. The automotive sector shows inadequate progress in phasing out internal combustion engines, while the fashion sector lacks commitments to reduce overproduction. The agrifood sector is criticised for relying on undefined land-based carbon removals to obscure a lack of structural emission reductions. The report argues for the adoption of transition-specific alignment targets to complement general GHG targets.

The document outlines the operationalization of Indonesia's Sustainable Finance Committee (SFC) under Law No. 4/2023. It proposes a three-tier governance structure involving the Ministry of Finance, Bank Indonesia, and the Financial Services Authority (OJK) to bridge institutional silos and align national climate targets with financial market mechanisms. The paper emphasizes the need for a formal Government Regulation to ensure the SFC's authority, the creation of a centralized data platform for ESG transparency, and the use of sectoral coalitions to co-create bankable financial solutions for priority sectors like energy and transport.

The report finds that while some fashion companies have improved their GHG emission reduction targets, these commitments often lack credibility due to a failure to implement systemic transitions. Key issues include a reliance on 'false solutions' like biomass and fossil gas instead of electrification, limited transparency regarding supply chain energy, and a persistent adherence to fast fashion business models that prioritise volume over value. While H&M Group is noted for its transparency in disclosing supply chain energy balances, the sector generally lacks the prescriptive guidance and regulatory interventions needed to curb overproduction and scale low-GHG fibres.