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Global Witness argues that UNEA-6 missed a critical opportunity to regulate the mining industry for the energy transition. While a digital knowledge hub for environmental protection was established, the final resolution removed mandates for assessing regulations, tackling human rights violations, and addressing colonial extraction patterns due to resistance from several Member States. The document also highlights a lack of action on resource overconsumption by wealthy nations and calls for the UN and upcoming COP meetings in Azerbaijan and Brazil to prioritize a just energy transition and Indigenous rights.

The report alleges that ADNOC, led by COP28 President Sultan Al-Jaber, pursued nearly $100 billion in fossil fuel deals during the UAE's year as host, contradicting public claims that the summit was not used for commercial gain. It details specific targets in countries like Brazil, Azerbaijan, and China, and argues that the COP28 final text's ambiguous language on 'transitioning away' from fossil fuels allows ADNOC to expand production while appearing compliant with climate goals.

Global Witness critiques COP29 as a 'playground for fossil fuel lobbyists,' noting that the summit failed to mention a transition away from oil and gas and provided insufficient climate finance for developing nations. The organization highlights systemic flaws, including the hosting of summits in petrostates and the repression of civil society in Azerbaijan, while calling for structural reforms to prioritize vulnerable communities over polluting industries.

The document examines the role of Russian fossil fuel exports in funding the war in Ukraine and critiques the reluctance of European governments to implement full embargoes. It highlights the discrepancy between corporate rhetoric and continued business operations in Russia, termed 'peace-washing', and argues against replacing Russian imports with other fossil fuel sources due to human rights concerns and climate commitments. Instead, it promotes a transition to renewables, citing that global electricity needs could be met by renewables by 2035.

COP30 resulted in the Mutirão Decision, which Global Witness criticises for omitting any mention of "fossil fuels" and failing to establish a transition roadmap despite initial ambitions from the Brazilian Presidency. The summit saw significant human rights progress, including the recognition of Indigenous land rights and the launch of the Leaders Action Network for Environmental Activists and Defenders (LEAD). Financial outcomes included an agreement to mobilise $1.3 trillion annually for climate action by 2035 and the tripling of adaptation finance, though the Tropical Forests Forever Facility (TFFF) received only $6.6 billion of a desired $125 billion. The document highlights a contradiction between official negotiations and the influence of approximately 1,600 fossil fuel lobbyists, while noting the launch of the Declaration on Information Integrity on Climate Change to combat disinformation.

The document explores the role of Black Soldier Fly (BSF) larvae in converting organic waste into frass, a nutrient-rich excrement that serves as a bio-fertiliser. It argues that BSF frass can support regenerative horticulture by improving soil health and reducing the ecological impact of synthetic fertilisers. In South Africa, where fertiliser is heavily imported and food waste is significant, the brief identifies a potential market for frass production valued between R3.1 and R12.4 billion per year. However, growth is hindered by scaling challenges, low market awareness, and significant regulatory delays in product registration through the Department of Agriculture Land Reform and Rural Development.

The document outlines the impact of fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) across 32 countries, projecting a potential reduction of 5.46 billion tonnes of CO2 emissions and government savings of nearly USD 3 trillion by 2030. It highlights that the seven countries with the highest potential for absolute reductions could each cut close to or more than 400 million tonnes of GHG emissions. The analysis suggests that combining FFSR with a 10% fossil energy tax and investing the resulting revenues into energy efficiency and renewable energy could reduce global CO2e emissions by 10.42 billion tonnes by 2030.

In November 2014, Indonesia increased gasoline prices by 31% and diesel by 36%, eventually removing gasoline subsidies and introducing a fixed-price subsidy for diesel. The reform was driven by fiscal burdens, the election of President Joko Widodo, and a decline in world oil prices. While the move generated estimated savings of USD 15.6 billion in 2015—which were reinvested in ministries, infrastructure, and regional transfers—the document notes a 'missed opportunity' to invest in sustainable energy. By early 2018, the government's commitment to price stability effectively reintroduced subsidies, with estimated costs of USD 1.7 billion for the calendar year.

The document analyzes how Saudi Arabia, China, and South Africa have implemented various taxes on fossil fuel consumption to address budget deficits and fund renewable energy. It highlights China's Renewable Electricity Surcharge, which raised USD 16 billion in 2016, and South Africa's multi-layered approach including fuel and electricity levies. Saudi Arabia's 2018 introduction of a 5% VAT is noted as a move to diversify revenue away from oil dependency.

While the MENA region has low direct exposure to US tariffs, it faces significant indirect risks including energy price volatility, trade diversion (specifically 'dumping' of Chinese steel and aluminium), and inflationary pressures. Certain countries are more exposed than others, with Jordan facing risks to its garment exports, while Türkiye may gain competitiveness in textiles. The region's long-standing policy of non-alignment between the US and China is under pressure as trade is increasingly weaponized, though the Gulf's strategic geography and investments in digital infrastructure offer paths toward resilience.

The document analyzes how state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in the G20 and beyond are shifting investments from coal to renewables due to cost competitiveness and climate policies. It highlights specific transitions in China (CEIC), India (Coal India Limited), and Sweden (Vattenfall), while noting that some SOEs, particularly in China, continue to invest in coal-fired power abroad. The text also discusses the role of SOEs in providing social protection during the energy transition and mentions similar shifts in the oil and gas sectors in Saudi Arabia, Norway, and Denmark.

The report identifies a resurgence of outright climate denial and the rise of 'culture war' narratives used to delay climate action. It highlights systemic greenwashing by fossil fuel entities on Meta and the algorithmic amplification of the #ClimateScam hashtag on Twitter. The analysis reveals that climate misinformation is increasingly integrated into broader 'anti-woke' and conspiratorial communities, with a small number of high-influence actors driving a significant portion of the engagement.

A briefing by the Institute for Security Studies analyzing the political and economic dynamics of Egypt's first free presidential election following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak, focusing on the candidates, the role of the military, and the absence of a constitution.

The authors present a dataset of 357 armed conflict episodes (1946–2006) to track post-conflict justice (PCJ) processes. PCJ is defined as any process initiated within five years of a conflict's end to address wrongdoings. The dataset identifies six primary tools: trials, truth commissions, reparations, amnesties, purges, and exiles. Preliminary analysis shows that the choice of justice mechanism is influenced by conflict intensity, incompatibility (territorial vs. government control), and the type of termination (victory vs. bargained solution). For instance, trials are more frequent after decisive victories, while amnesties are more common after bargained solutions and in high-intensity civil wars.

The document analyzes the illicit arms trade, categorizing it into semi-legal, state-sanctioned, and wholly illicit flows. It argues against the 'amorphous image' of easy global access to weapons, asserting instead that supply and demand are geographically and temporally variable. The authors detail how weapons are diverted from legal stocks, the role of illicit pricing as an indicator of supply constraints, and the multi-level governance structures—societal, national, and international—used to counter trafficking. It also evaluates international instruments like the Arms Trade Treaty and the UN Programme of Action, noting the challenges posed by state complicity and capacity gaps in developing nations.

The report identifies ten common areas for comparing the mediation strategies of Qatar and Norway, highlighting differences in their identities, the role of civil society, and regional engagement, while noting shared dependencies on the United States and the use of financial resources to cultivate soft power.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.

The analysis explores the experiences of 'peripheral' doctoral students in a UK-based professional doctorate programme, focusing on the tensions between their professional expertise and their novice status in academia. It identifies four primary categories of challenges: the struggle for belonging and social isolation, complexities in supervisory relationships, identity and language dissonance, and the psychological impact of 'impostor syndrome'. The authors argue that while distance programmes provide necessary flexibility, they often create a disconnect with the broader university infrastructure. The study highlights the value of the 'cohort model' in building social capital and suggests that institutional support, such as cross-cultural training and flexible enrolment options, is essential for the success of non-traditional students.

Under the leadership of Damilola Ogunbiyi, SEforALL has shifted from awareness-raising to a data-driven engagement model prioritizing high-impact countries. Key initiatives include the Universal Energy Facility, a results-based financing vehicle aiming for 1 million connections by 2023, and the development of investment-grade policy frameworks and universal integrated energy plans. The report also details high-level diplomatic engagements across the G20, UN, and various governments to mobilize resources and align global efforts toward universal energy access and clean cooking.

The report evaluates the extent to which gender considerations are embedded in national energy policies and the corporate practices of energy companies. It utilizes a scoring system to analyze female participation, economic empowerment, education, and labor rights across different income levels and energy sectors, including renewable energy, energy efficiency, and electrification.