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Friends of the Earth International and a coalition of social movements denounce the 'Responsible Agricultural Investment' (RAI) principles promoted by the World Bank and other international agencies. The document asserts that these voluntary guidelines serve as a 'moral facade' for financial speculation and corporate land grabbing, which lead to forced evictions, water privatization, and the destruction of small-scale farming. It calls for the immediate suspension of land grabs, the return of stolen lands, and a transition toward food sovereignty based on agroecological methods and genuine land reform.

The Middle East contains approximately 6 percent of the world's coral reefs, with nearly two-thirds currently at risk from local threats, most notably overfishing. While some areas of the Red Sea remain under low threat, the Persian Gulf is highly stressed, with over 85 percent of its reefs considered threatened. Projections indicate that thermal stress and ocean acidification will push all reefs in the region to threatened status by 2050. Currently, only 12 percent of the region's reefs are within Marine Protected Areas, though Egypt has significant coverage with about 50 percent of its reefs protected.

The document analyzes China's 'going-out' strategy, noting that while overseas FDI grew rapidly, it remained concentrated in energy and mining sectors and faced significant losses. It identifies four primary risk categories: breach of contract, exchange losses, premium-value transactions, and integration failures. The author argues that systemic risks stem from excessive government intervention and a lack of international management capacity, while external risks are primarily driven by the incompatibility of legal, political, and social institutions between China and host countries.

The report analyzes the surge in foreign acquisitions and long-term leases of agricultural land and water, driven by food and energy security concerns and the 2008 food crisis. It highlights a critical lack of transparency and public contracts, which obscures the impact on local communities. The authors argue that a complex interplay between national laws, investment contracts, and International Investment Agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor protections over the rights of local users and the regulatory autonomy of host states, potentially hindering sustainable development and public health measures.

The report by Friends of the Earth examines nanotechnology's role in the energy transition, specifically in solar, wind, hydrogen, and battery technologies. It argues that the industry has "over-promised and under-delivered," noting that the energy required to manufacture nanomaterials often exceeds the savings they provide. The document highlights significant health risks, such as the potential for carbon nanotubes to cause mesothelioma, and environmental hazards, including the release of potent greenhouse gases like nitrous oxide from nano silver. It further criticizes the use of public funds to develop nanotechnology for expanded oil and gas extraction and warns that the technology may exacerbate global inequities through restrictive patenting and the dumping of nanowaste in the Global South.

The document assesses Saudi Arabia's transition toward a diversified, non-oil-dependent economy and the resulting commercial opportunities for South Africa. It highlights Saudi Arabia's economic reforms, including the development of six mega-cities and the opening of its investment climate through SAGIA. The authors argue that South Africa is currently lagging behind other emerging powers like China and India in exploiting these opportunities and recommends reviving dormant bilateral mechanisms such as the Joint Economic Commission to attract Saudi investment and expand South African trade in the Gulf region.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review for excluding nuclear weapons and maintaining an oversized military budget. SGR advocates for a 25% reduction in military spending, the cancellation of the Trident replacement system, and the retirement of various offensive conventional weapons. The organization argues that funds should be redirected toward tackling the roots of insecurity, such as poverty and unsustainable natural resource consumption, to improve energy security and mitigate climate change.

The report investigates the feasibility of using the WTO, UNFCCC, and G-20 as homes for international fossil-fuel subsidy reform. It argues that while the WTO has the legal tools and the UNFCCC has the climate mandate, neither is currently politically viable for a binding agreement. Instead, it proposes a multi-forum approach led by the G-20's political momentum, moving from short-term coordination of research and monitoring toward a long-term negotiated agreement.

The U.S. EPA and DOT finalized national greenhouse gas and fuel economy standards for model year 2012-2016 vehicles, aiming to increase combined average fuel economy to 34.1 mpg and reduce tailpipe emissions to 250 grams per mile. These standards, resulting from a compromise between the White House, automakers, and fourteen states, are projected to save consumers billions of dollars, reduce oil consumption by 1.2 million barrels per day, and cut global warming emissions by 209 million metric tons by 2020.

The document argues that for China to transition into a major global economic player, its businesses must move beyond legal compliance to embrace voluntary sustainability standards. It identifies a current trend of avoidance among CTNCs due to unfamiliarity and perceived Western bias, which risks damaging 'Brand China'. The authors propose a strategic framework—normalization, exceptionalism, and transformation—to help CTNCs and the Chinese government decide whether to ignore, mitigate, leverage, or promote specific standards to move up the global value chain.

The document analyzes Afghanistan's role within the Regional Security Complex (RSC) framework, examining its relationship with South Asia, the Persian Gulf, and Central Asia. It argues that neighboring states' engagement in Afghanistan is driven by internal regional conflicts—such as the India-Pakistan rivalry—rather than Afghan-centric issues. Consequently, the author suggests that a unilateral non-aggression commitment by Afghanistan is a more viable strategy for stability than the integrated regional approaches often proposed by international policymakers.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.

The report challenges the promotion of jatropha as a 'wonder crop' for biofuels, using evidence from Swaziland to argue that it may compete with food production, require significant water and chemical inputs, and offer marginal economic benefits to small-scale farmers. It highlights concerns over unfair contracting practices by D1 Oils and the lack of environmental risk assessments, concluding that jatropha is not a sustainable 'silver bullet' for meeting EU and UK biofuel targets.

The report examines the rise of foreign land and water acquisitions driven by food, energy, and water security concerns. It highlights a shift from market-driven comparative advantage to 'long-distance farming' to meet home-state needs. The authors analyze how the interaction between domestic law, international investment contracts, and international investment agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor rights over local users and sustainable development goals, potentially limiting host governments' ability to regulate for public health, environment, or food security.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

The report examines the fragmented landscape of peace and reconciliation efforts in Afghanistan during 2008, analyzing the failure of national-level negotiations, the limitations of amnesty programs, and the fragility of local-level truces like those in Musa Qala. It argues that a sustainable political solution requires a comprehensive regional strategy and a credible national reconciliation framework that moves beyond tactical surrenders to address power-sharing and security sector reform.

The document details various German-led research initiatives focused on the intersection of climate change and water. It covers regional climate modeling for Germany, the impact of extreme weather on biogeochemical cycles, global water scarcity, and specific case studies such as the GLOWA projects in the Elbe and Jordan River basins. Additionally, it discusses aquatic ecosystem vulnerabilities through the AQUASHIFT program and proposes a risk-management approach for coastal flood protection in Hamburg.

The paper argues that Norway's success is due to a combination of high-quality institutions existing prior to oil discovery, a stable democratic system with proportional representation, and a commitment to social welfare and intergenerational equity through the Norwegian Petroleum Fund.

The Russian Federation proposed a two-track approach to climate targets: a 'Kyoto track' to simplify the bureaucratic process for countries joining Annex B, and a 'Convention track' to recognize and incentivize voluntary targets by Non-Annex I countries through finance and technology transfer. While Annex B parties generally supported the simplification of accession procedures, Non-Annex I countries expressed skepticism, fearing that voluntary targets could eventually be converted into binding commitments. The report notes that the proposal lacked detail on the allocation of emitting rights for new Annex B members and suggests the initiative may have been driven by internal Russian agency competition.

The report finds that achieving a 35 mpg fleetwide average by 2018 would create 241,000 net new jobs in the U.S. by 2020, save consumers $37 billion in net costs, and reduce national oil use by 1.6 million barrels per day. Environmental benefits include a reduction of 260 to 264 million metric tons of carbon dioxide-equivalent emissions by 2020. Job growth is projected across most sectors, particularly services and retail, while the oil industry would see a decline. California is projected to experience the highest job growth and consumer savings.