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The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) has officially recognized the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources as the National Designated Authority (NDA) for Saudi Arabia. This designation allows Saudi Arabia to access GCF resources and makes the country eligible for readiness and preparatory support to strengthen its NDA arrangements.

The report analyzes fossil-fuel subsidies in the GCC, noting that low energy pricing serves a political social contract but leads to domestic over-consumption and fiscal pressure. Using IEA, IMF, and GSI data, it estimates total subsidies in 2011 at over US$105 billion, with Saudi Arabia as a primary driver. The document argues that underpricing fossil fuels creates a significant barrier to renewable energy by making conventional thermal power appear cheaper and distorting the market for investors.

Natural gas, primarily composed of methane, forms from the thermal breakdown of ancient organic matter under heat and pressure. Its storage depends on rock porosity and permeability, with deposits categorized as conventional or unconventional. In the United States, the Energy Information Administration estimated 2,203 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas in 2009, though global reserves are significantly higher, with Russia holding the largest share.

The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.

The document argues that current climate policies focus too heavily on the demand side, allowing fossil fuel exporting countries to increase production with little impact on their own territorial emissions accounts. It proposes 'extraction-based emissions accounting', which attributes CO2 emissions to the country where fuels are extracted, as a way to promote producer responsibility and identify economic vulnerabilities. The brief notes that countries heavily dependent on high-carbon exports face risks of 'stranded' assets if global demand declines, as projected in some IEA scenarios. Additionally, it suggests integrating life-cycle assessments (LCA) to account for varying upstream emissions, such as those from Canadian oil sands, which can be significantly higher than conventional crude.

The document provides updates on the political instability and foreign policy of Eritrea, including its relations with Ethiopia and Sudan, and reports on Kofi Annan's visit to Kenya to assess preparations for the March 2013 elections.

The report analyzes foreign investment in the agricultural sectors of MERCOSUR countries, identifying three primary models: state-to-state cooperation agreements, direct private land purchases, and foreign direct investment in production via contract farming. It highlights a general lack of robust data across the region, though it notes that foreigners own approximately 1.7% of Brazil's arable land and an estimated 3.4% of Argentina's. Paraguay shows the highest level of foreign ownership at 19.4% of its national territory, largely held by Brazilians. The document details the legislative shift toward restricting foreign land ownership in Argentina and Brazil, while noting that Uruguay is debating similar measures and Paraguay lacks significant public debate or effective restrictions. It concludes that while foreign investment can bring technology, it often risks displacing local producers and threatening food security if not properly regulated through clear definitions of foreign ownership and national land registries.

The document analyzes the first free presidential election in Egypt following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak. It identifies three front-running candidates—Amr Moussa, Mohammed Mursi, and Abdelmumein Al Futuh—and discusses the tension between continuity and change. The briefing highlights critical challenges for the incoming president, including high unemployment, the absence of a finalized constitution, and the influential role of the military in both politics and the economy. It also notes the interests of international actors, specifically the United States, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, in the election's outcome.

The document analyzes the first official recognition of agriculture by the UNFCCC at COP 17 in Durban. It reviews submissions from 21 parties to the SBSTA, highlighting a tension between developed countries' focus on scientific mitigation and developing countries' priority on adaptation and food security. The briefing argues that agriculture requires a unique approach to emission reductions—potentially based on efficiency per unit of production—due to the necessity of increasing food supplies for a growing global population. It identifies key points of divergence, including trade implications and the role of smallholder farmers, while suggesting areas of consensus such as the link between agriculture and food security.

The policy brief argues that foreign direct investment (FDI) does not automatically guarantee economic growth or job creation in South Africa. While FDI can offer benefits like skill transfers and market access, the author notes that certain types, such as retail investment by giants like Walmart, may displace local manufacturers and small businesses. The document highlights a decline in FDI flows to South Africa between 2009 and 2010, but suggests this is not necessarily negative if the focus shifts toward strengthening domestic manufacturing capacity and public infrastructure to build long-term economic confidence.

The document examines the increasing influence of multinational corporations and business lobby groups within the UN system, particularly in the lead-up to the Rio+20 summit. It argues that this 'corporate capture' shifts the UN's focus from sustainable development and human rights toward market-based solutions that benefit the private sector. Through a series of case studies, the report highlights how initiatives like the 'Green Economy', 'Sustainable Energy for All' (SE4ALL), and the UN Global Compact facilitate 'greenwashing' and 'bluewashing', allowing companies to avoid regulation while gaining privileged access to policy-making. The authors call for a fundamental overhaul of UN decision-making processes, including the removal of business representatives from national delegations and the establishment of a legally binding framework for corporate accountability.

The document examines the growing influence of multinational corporations and business lobby groups within the UN, claiming that this 'corporate capture' shifts the focus from public interest and sustainable development toward market-based solutions that benefit the private sector. It provides case studies on the 'Green Economy' concept, the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation's role in agricultural policy via IFAD, the commodification of biodiversity in the CBD, the privatization of water policy, and the lack of accountability in the UN Global Compact. The report concludes with a set of recommendations to limit corporate influence, increase transparency, and establish legally binding corporate accountability frameworks.

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The document examines the conflict between developed and developing nations regarding the integration of agriculture into climate agreements. It highlights fears from G-77 countries that internationally agreed 'good practice' standards for agricultural emissions could be used as unilateral trade barriers or non-tariff restrictions. The report also addresses concerns over food security, price increases, and opposition to market-based mitigation mechanisms, suggesting that referencing Article 3.5 of the Convention may provide a viable legal compromise to build trust and advance negotiations.

The document analyzes historical energy price trends, specifically in the United Kingdom, to argue that while energy prices can be volatile, the long-term trend for energy services (such as heating and lighting) is downward due to efficiency gains. It posits that fossil fuel reserves remain abundant relative to current consumption, suggesting that future price trends may remain stable or decline despite short-term peaks. The author emphasizes that focusing on energy prices alone underestimates consumer welfare gains and misleads climate change and energy demand modeling.

The author argues that the African Union (AU) lost its opportunity to lead the Libyan crisis due to a lack of political will, failure to secure support for its road map, and an inability to escalate diplomatic engagement with NATO and the Arab League. The document highlights how UN Security Council Resolution 1973 prioritised the Arab League over the AU, leaving the AU as a marginal observer. To avoid further irrelevance, the author recommends that the AU recognise the Transitional National Council (TNC) and integrate its high-level ad hoc committee into existing international processes like the Libya Contact Group.

The report denounces the Principles for Responsible Agricultural Investment (RAI) as a mechanism to legitimise 'land grabbing' by corporations and governments. It argues that voluntary guidelines cannot remedy the systemic human rights violations, environmental destruction, and food insecurity caused by large-scale land acquisitions, which it claims are driven by financial speculation rather than food security. The authors call for an immediate ban on large-scale land transactions, the return of misappropriated lands to communities, and a transition toward food sovereignty based on peasant agriculture and agroecology.