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The document outlines five key conclusions for developing countries creating INDCs: treating them as political statements, establishing clear structures, leveraging existing policies, conducting broad consultations, and planning for implementation. It emphasizes the need to balance ambition with feasibility, often through a combination of unilateral and conditional contributions, while aligning climate actions with national development priorities and Sustainable Development Goals.

The Green European Journal (July 2015) examines the systemic failures of the EU, including the Greek debt crisis, the refugee crisis, and the dominance of neoliberal technocracy. It advocates for a 'radicalisation of democracy' and a transition toward a degrowth economy. The document critiques the EU's climate contributions for COP 21 as insufficiently ambitious and calls for a reduction in energy dependency on Russia. It emphasizes the need for Green parties to reconnect with grassroots social movements and a 'trans-European' approach to identity and politics.

The author contends that a European Army is a 'legend' lacking conceptual depth and political feasibility. The text argues that such an entity would require an unacceptable loss of national sovereignty and constitutional changes in member states like Germany and France. Furthermore, it suggests that proponents use the idea to undermine parliamentary oversight of military actions. Instead of a unified army, the author advocates for enhanced security cooperation, the use of 'soft power', and the maintenance of democratic controls.

The report examines the systemic risk posed by credit rating agencies' failure to account for climate change in their methodologies. It argues that by assuming a 'business-as-usual' scenario of $\ge 4^{\circ}C$ warming rather than a dynamic trajectory aligned with a $2^{\circ}C$ goal, agencies are artificially inflating the credit ratings of fossil fuel projects. Using a case study of the Adani Abbot Point Terminal in Australia, the document demonstrates how generic project finance methodologies ignore risks such as stranded assets, decreased coal demand, and physical climate impacts. The report concludes that this failure not only threatens global financial stability by creating a 'carbon bubble' but also exposes rating agencies to significant legal liability under the Dodd-Frank Act and common law.

The author contends that for BRICS to be perceived as a force for positive global change rather than just a new set of dominant powers, it must move beyond narrow self-interest. The paper proposes an inclusive agenda centered on four key challenges: rising inequality, the finite nature of the Anthropocene age (climate change and sustainable development), the rise of identity-based radicalism, and the tension between state sovereignty and global public goods. The author suggests that by leading on these issues, BRICS can build collective soft power and a more legitimate global compact.

The document examines the tension between South Africa's constitutional mandate to redress apartheid-induced inequalities through black economic empowerment (BEE) and its commitments under first-generation bilateral investment treaties (BITs). It analyzes the South African government's decision to terminate these treaties in favor of the Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill (PPIB), noting that this unilateral approach creates reputational risks and potential legal inconsistencies with customary international law. By comparing South Africa's experience with India and Indonesia, the author argues that emerging economies can successfully carve out policy space within the international framework rather than abandoning it. The paper concludes that South Africa should leverage its unique history to influence the development of third-generation investment agreements while maintaining the signaling power and investor certainty provided by international regimes.

The document examines South Africa's 2014 five-point plan to mitigate electricity shortages, which includes emergency measures, cogeneration, gas substitution, coal independent power programmes, and nuclear and renewable energy exploration. It highlights a lack of clarity in government prioritisation of energy sources and notes that private sector confidence is waning, as evidenced by companies like Sibanye Gold Limited seeking energy independence. The author argues that the government must update the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2010-2030 and provide a transparent assessment of the financial viability and suitability of different energy sources, particularly regarding the high costs and long lead times associated with nuclear and coal investments.

The We Mean Business Coalition acknowledges the US pledge to reduce greenhouse gas pollution by 26-28 percent below 2005 levels by 2025 as a positive step but argues it is insufficient to prevent 3.5 degrees Celsius of warming. The coalition calls for a detailed national decarbonization pathway targeting 80% or more reductions by 2050, a five-year cycle for strengthening targets, and the scale-up of public finance via the Green Climate Fund to leverage private sector capital.

The document evaluates technical and commercial viability for several associated gas utilization technologies in US tight oil fields. It identifies gas gathering, CNG trucking, NGL recovery, gas-to-power, and Mini-GTL MT as technologies that pass initial screening, while gas reinjection, Mini-LNG, Mini-GTL FT, and ammonia production are rejected due to scale, maturity, or economic constraints. The report provides detailed technical specifications, cost models, and case studies for these options, specifically focusing on the Bakken region of North Dakota.

The document examines EFILA, established in 2014, asserting that its members and board consist of law firms and individuals with direct financial stakes in the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system. It highlights how EFILA's policy recommendations to the European Commission regarding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) oppose meaningful reforms, such as appellate mechanisms or limits on investor rights, to protect the profitability of the arbitration industry. The briefing details specific high-profile cases and the 'revolving door' career of EFILA's general secretary to illustrate the conflict of interest inherent in the group's advocacy.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) evaluated the land sector (AFOLU) plans within the initial INDCs of the US, EU, and Mexico. The analysis finds a stark contrast between developed and developing nations: while the US and EU provide reasonable accounting standards, they lack specific action plans to realize their substantial mitigation potentials. In contrast, Mexico provides a highly transparent and ambitious plan, including a goal of zero deforestation by 2030 and a target for emissions to peak and decline by 2026. The report emphasizes that the land sector is critical for closing the global emissions gap, but current INDCs from developed nations are insufficient in detail to determine if their ambitions match their capacities.

The BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is currently viewed as a symbolic initiative rather than a substantive challenger to the IMF due to its limited size and reliance on IMF-linked conditionality. Established with a $100 billion pool, the CRA provides liquidity and precautionary instruments to address short-term balance of payments pressures. However, 70% of requested funds are 'IMF-linked', requiring a conditionality-based agreement with the IMF, which the authors argue undermines the CRA's purpose as a counterweight to Western-dominated institutions. Drawing on the evolution of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), the document recommends that the CRA establish its own macroeconomic surveillance facility, increase commitment sizes, and reduce or eliminate the IMF-linked portion to ensure participating countries' independence.

The document examines the shifting diplomatic strategies of middle powers in a multipolar world, contrasting the approaches of the MIKTA grouping, South Africa's alignment with BRICS, and Canada's shift toward strategic consolidation with Western allies.

The document examines the drivers and implementation of low-carbon policies in China, noting a transition from national targets to local design across provinces and industrial zones. While this approach allows for local adaptation and policy learning, it has created a complex, overlapping regulatory environment that causes industry uncertainty, risks high compliance costs, and may lead to capital lock-in of high-emitting technologies. The text also references a separate IISD study on the fiscal risks facing BRIICS nations, including China, due to the global transition away from fossil fuels.

The author contends that Germany's historical preference for non-military foreign policy and economic cooperation is no longer viable in a globalised world. Highlighting the paralysis of the UN Security Council and the rise of authoritarianism, the text calls for a more active European foreign policy. It specifically emphasizes the need for the EU to support Ukraine against Russian neo-imperialism and to maintain a value-based partnership with the United States to avoid security vacuums.

The document examines the ideological shift within European Green parties regarding the use of force, moving from 1980s antimilitarism and anti-nuclear activism toward a complex debate between strict pacifism and humanitarian interventionism based on international law.

The document defines a Green foreign policy as a holistic approach that prioritizes human rights, democracy, and environmental sustainability over narrow economic interests. It advocates for the reform of international organizations like the UN and the Bretton Woods Institutions to increase transparency and representation for the Global South. The framework emphasizes the strengthening of international law, specifically the International Criminal Court, and supports restrictive weapons export policies and UN-mandated military interventions. It also calls for a development agenda that links environmental sustainability with social inclusion and conflict prevention through the 'Responsibilities to Protect' (R2P) framework.

The report analyzes Indonesia's transition to a fuel pricing system that passes through international oil price changes to reduce wasteful subsidies, which saved IDR 195 trillion (US$ 15.6 billion) in the 2015 State Budget Revision. It compares Indonesia's historically low fuel prices with those of Southeast Asian nations and BRICS economies, noting that Indonesia's prices were among the lowest globally until recent reforms. The document outlines 'good practice' dimensions for pricing systems—subsidies, pass-through, transparency, and enforcement—and examines specific mechanisms used in China, India, Mexico, the Philippines, South Africa, and Thailand. It suggests that Indonesia manage price volatility not through subsidies, but via variable taxes, targeted social assistance, improved supply efficiency, and reduced energy demand.

The IISD Arctic Initiative focuses on bottom-up transformations to sustainability in the Arctic, addressing climate change adaptation, extractive industries, infrastructure, and transformative knowledge. It emphasizes the region's rapid warming—twice the global average—and the resulting pressures on ecosystems and food security, alongside increasing interest from global actors in shipping and resource extraction.

The document argues that while Mexico has the economic resources of an emerging power—ranking as the 11th-largest economy by purchasing power parity—it fails to project leadership globally or regionally. It identifies a lack of strategic foreign-policy vision, an inconsistent international identity as a 'bridge' between North and Central America, and a tendency to act as a 'status quo middle power' rather than a revisionist force. The author notes that Mexico's heavy dependence on the US and limited engagement in UN security issues and peacekeeping missions further hinder its potential to exercise the influence typical of emerging powers like the BRICS nations.