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The report examines India's transition to electric mobility, highlighting the success of demand-side incentives like FAME II for two- and three-wheelers. It identifies critical investment gaps in charging infrastructure and battery manufacturing, while discussing the potential of battery swapping and the risks posed by global supply chain dependencies on China and other mineral-rich nations. The analysis emphasizes the need for binding targets, improved consumer financing, and workforce retraining to ensure a competitive and just transition.

In 2021, Russian jet fuel accounted for 5% of the EU's jet fuel imports (13,000 b/d) and 1.3% of its total consumption. This represents a significant decline from the 2015-2019 average of 30,200 b/d. IAG was the largest airline consumer of Russian jet fuel in 2021, while London's Heathrow airport was the largest airport consumer. Together, Heathrow and Gatwick airports accounted for an average of 92% of Russian jet fuel consumption between 2011 and 2021.

Denmark is phasing out its oil and gas sector by 2050, supported by a binding law and a broad political coalition. The transition is centered in Esbjerg, where the government is leveraging the region's energy expertise to pivot toward offshore wind and other renewables. This 'in place' management is supported by a strong social welfare state, the 'flexicurity' labor model, and strategic investments like the C$4.7 billion Green Future Fund. While the term 'just transition' is less common in official reporting, the country relies on long-standing tripartite dialogue between government, unions, and industry to mitigate socio-economic risks.

Comparing 2021 and 2015 projections, G20 absolute emissions for 2030 are now expected to be 15% lower, with average annual growth rates slowing from 1.2% to 0.3%. Despite these improvements, collective emissions are still projected to increase until 2030, leaving the G20 off track to meet the 1.5 °C warming limit of the Paris Agreement.

Analysis by Ember indicates that placing approximately 14 GW of coal plants on standby in Europe to offset gas shortages would have a limited impact on emissions and would not derail long-term climate commitments. The report argues that these are short-term emergency measures and that the crisis is actually accelerating the transition to clean energy. It further disputes claims that Germany requires massive amounts of coal imports from Indonesia, suggesting such demand is overestimated based on current capacity and inventory levels.

The document examines how the war in Ukraine is facilitating a geopolitical realignment in Africa, where countries are increasingly wary of Western 'coercive diplomacy' and 'paternalism'. It posits that China is capitalizing on this by aligning its diplomatic rhetoric with African desires for non-alignment and multipolarity. The author suggests that China's control over supply chains and its 'Global Security Initiative' provide tangible alternatives to Western partnerships, potentially eroding Western influence on the continent.

The authors contend that Norway's public debate regarding the war in Ukraine has become overly emotional and ideologized, hindering the ability to discuss complex strategic dilemmas. They call for a more open discourse on NATO's role, the implications of NATO expansion into Finland and Sweden, the potential for EU membership, and the risks associated with food and energy price hikes.

The EU is phasing out Russian oil, which accounted for over 25 percent of its 2021 imports. While replacing these streams is technically complex due to refinery design requirements regarding sulfur and density, the report argues that the EU can reduce its carbon footprint by sourcing lower-emissions crudes. For example, Saudi Arab Light is identified as a potential substitute for Russian Urals crude that could lower emissions. Additionally, the report suggests that using hydrotreated intermediates could reduce EU refinery hydrogen demand, which currently represents nearly 10 percent of EU natural gas imports from Russia.

The report analyzes 21 international taxonomies to provide a framework for a potential Canadian transition taxonomy, emphasizing the need for science-based thresholds to avoid greenwashing in a resource-dependent economy.

ClientEarth argues that the proposed amendments to the RRF Regulation to support REPowerEU create an unlawful 'preferential treatment' for fossil gas and oil infrastructure. The organization contends that the Commission bypassed the TEN-E Regulation's transparency requirements by relying on a 'wish list' from the industry-led ENTSOG, and that exempting these projects from the 'Do No Significant Harm' (DNSH) principle violates EU environmental law and the European Climate Law. ClientEarth further asserts that the lack of impact and climate assessments for the proposal is unjustifiable, regardless of the urgency of energy security needs.

The report analyzes the fiscal vulnerability of the BRIICS countries to the global energy transition. Using IEA scenarios, it projects significant declines in fossil fuel revenues by 2050, particularly under 1.5°C and 2°C pathways. To mitigate these risks, the authors propose a 'GSS bond support fund' to leverage near-term windfall revenues for decarbonization and suggest a broad suite of environmental fiscal reforms, including subsidy removal and the introduction of carbon pricing and road user charges.

The document examines how the Russia-Ukraine war has destabilized energy markets, undermining Russia's role as an 'energy superpower' and creating significant economic pressure on the Global South. It presents three scenarios: 'Stable high' prices, 'Persistent volatility', and 'Business as usual', analyzing how each affects national budgets, regional stability in the Middle East and Africa, and the global transition to renewable energy. The authors argue that while the crisis may incentivize some decarbonization, it also risks locking in fossil fuel production in the Global South and prioritizing immediate energy security over Paris Agreement goals.

The document analyzes the varied diplomatic positions of African nations regarding the Ukraine war, noting a split between those condemning Russia and those maintaining neutrality to preserve bilateral ties. It argues that African states should move from being passive bystanders to proactive actors by mediating peace, filling resource gaps created by sanctions, diversifying commodity imports, and strengthening pan-African unity.

Russia has increased its presence in Africa through defense and security partnerships, positioning itself as an alternative to Western paternalism. However, the document argues that Russia lacks the financial capacity to compete with the U.S., EU, and China, as evidenced by its modest trade volume and the contrast with China's massive infrastructure investments. The war in Ukraine has further complicated this strategy by draining resources and increasing international sanctions.

The document alerts organisations to misinformation linking the Russian invasion of Ukraine to energy efficiency, the energy transition, green jobs, and Net Zero. It notes that these narratives are particularly salient for men, Conservative voters, and Northern communities, and outlines a framework for identifying at-risk audiences, establishing facts, and adapting communications strategies.

The document examines Africa's position as a 'techno-geopolitical theatre' where major powers—including China, the US, and the EU—are competing to establish technological spheres of influence through infrastructure investments and policy frameworks. It warns that while these investments can drive digital transformation, they risk reducing Africa to a pawn in geopolitical struggles. The author highlights the danger of relying on non-neutral service providers and cautions African governments against using digital regulations for citizen surveillance and repression, urging instead a focus on securing digital interests and fostering innovation for a young population.

Australia's coal mines are a major source of methane, with evidence suggesting official reports significantly underestimate the actual emissions. The report highlights that a small number of 'super-emitter' mines contribute a disproportionate amount of emissions and warns that proposed new coal projects will further increase these levels. It advocates for a transition to direct measurement over emission factors, the adoption of ventilation air methane (VAM) abatement technologies, and the phasing out of coal, particularly the gassiest mines, to meet climate targets.

The document examines the progress of WTO negotiations on fisheries subsidies, detailing the three main pillars of the draft agreement: prohibitions on subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing; subsidies for overfished stocks; and subsidies contributing to overcapacity and overfishing. It highlights the tension between imposing meaningful disciplines on the largest fishing nations and providing 'appropriate and effective special and differential treatment' for developing countries. The analysis also covers transparency requirements, notification obligations, and the potential inclusion of forced labour and non-specific fuel subsidies in the final deal.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is facing a critical need for reform across its negotiating function, dispute settlement system, committee transparency, and Secretariat role. While members generally agree on the need for change, they are divided on the approach: some advocate for 'coalitions of the willing' to modernize the agenda, while others, particularly developing countries, prioritize the Doha Development Agenda and the preservation of special and differential treatment (SDT). The dispute settlement system remains crippled by the United States' refusal to appoint new Appellate Body members since 2019. Divergent priorities exist between the EU, US, African Group, India, and LDCs, with disagreements extending to whether reform should proceed via working groups or General Council review processes.

The study compares the levelised cost of hydrogen (LCOH) for different carriers and transport methods to Rotterdam. It finds that pipeline imports from Norway (2030) and Algeria (2040/2050) offer the lowest LCOH. Among marine carriers, cracked ammonia is the most cost-effective for delivering liberated hydrogen, while uncracked ammonia is the cheapest overall if used directly as fuel. Saudi Arabia is identified as the most economical export location for all marine carriers due to low natural gas prices and favorable construction costs. Carbon emissions are lowest for liquid hydrogen (LH2) among liberated hydrogen chains, but uncracked ammonia is the least carbon-intensive overall. The report also details the technical, safety, and infrastructure challenges associated with each carrier, noting that while ammonia has mature transport infrastructure, large-scale cracking technology is still in development.