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The text examines the intersection of the cost-of-living crisis, energy insecurity, and climate change in Europe, arguing that these shocks reveal the failure of the current socioeconomic model. It suggests that Green parties must move beyond austerity or simple redistribution to advocate for public investments in the green transition, decentralized renewable energy cooperatives, and a Green New Deal to ensure social protections and ecological resilience.

The document examines the 2023 Nigerian elections, highlighting the role of ethno-regional configurations over ideology and the specific platforms of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It assesses how different winners would impact domestic security, economic policy—specifically regarding oil and fuel subsidies—and Nigeria's energy relationship with Europe.

The document examines South Africa's position within BRICS ahead of its 2023 chairship, highlighting the tension between its democratic values and the geopolitics of larger members like Russia and China. It evaluates the success of 'multi-track diplomacy' through institutions like the New Development Bank and the BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Centre, while noting that domestic crises—including energy instability and economic recovery—hinder South Africa's ability to fully leverage the partnership for national growth.

The report highlights that methane emissions from coking coal mining add approximately 27% to the 20-year global warming impact of the steel industry. It argues that while the sector focuses on carbon capture (CCUS) and hydrogen, it ignores readily available technologies to reduce CMM. The document recommends that steelmakers only purchase coal from suppliers with net-zero compatible methane reduction plans and that policymakers include methane in carbon border adjustment mechanisms.

The Visegrad Group (V4) is experiencing significant fragmentation due to diverging responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine and differing relationships with the European Union. While Poland, Czechia, and Slovakia generally support Ukraine and NATO expansion, Hungary has obstructed sanctions against Russia and the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. The once-strong alliance between Poland's PiS and Hungary's Fidesz was severely shaken by Orbán's ties to Putin, though a tactical reconciliation has emerged based on mutual dependence regarding EU rule-of-law procedures and shared populist narratives. Ultimately, the author argues that Orbán's veto power in the EU has reached its limits, leading him to seek alliances with American Republicans, European far-right fundamentalists, and China to maintain domestic legitimacy and enrich his clientelist network.

The author argues that while the EU views the energy transition as a path to energy security and global leadership, it currently lacks a comprehensive strategic plan. Internally, the EU faces risks of redundant spending and political friction between Western and Eastern member states over the distribution of benefits. Externally, the transition shifts dependencies from fossil fuel imports to critical materials and clean technology competition with the US and China. The document suggests the EU must integrate energy, infrastructure, and industrial policy to secure its markets and maintain stability in its neighborhood.

The document argues that energy transitions in Latin America are often reductionist, focusing on decarbonization while continuing to support fossil fuels as economic drivers or transition catalysts. Through case studies of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, it highlights a disconnect between international climate commitments and public investment, warning that the current approach risks creating carbon 'lock-in' and prolonging extractivism.

The CESCR addressed climate change in most of its 2023 work, including twelve Concluding Observations and seven Lists of Issues. The Committee focused on mitigation policies, urging states like Brazil, Panama, and Portugal to meet their Paris Agreement NDCs, and recommended that China expand its emissions trading system and stop financing overseas coal power. Adaptation efforts were highlighted in nineteen statements, with specific calls for national adaptation plans in Cambodia, Palestine, and Yemen, and an emphasis on the participation of Indigenous Peoples in Panama. Additionally, the Committee challenged the fossil fuel reliance of states such as Qatar and China, while inquiring about oil refinery pollution in Curaçao.

The report analyzes fossil fuel marketing in Asia, identifying two primary strategies: incentivizing increased fuel consumption through loyalty programs and prizes, and 'purpose-washing' to shift climate responsibility onto individuals or project a sustainable image. It notes a gap between Asian consumers' sustainable intent and action, partly due to misleading marketing, while highlighting a trend toward mandatory climate disclosures in countries like India, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore.

The report analyzes how EU and G7 sanctions on Russian coal imports have disrupted the Kuzbass region, which produces over 55% of Russia's coal. It details the region's high economic dependency on coal, the logistical challenges of redirecting exports to Asia, and the risks of social unrest due to potential job losses. The document presents three future scenarios (Reference, Soft, and Hard) through 2030, projecting significant declines in production, revenue, and employment under the 'Hard' scenario, while noting that reduced coal activity may lower methane and CO2 emissions.

The report analyzes Russia's climate policy, specifically the 2021 Low Carbon Strategy and the Law on Limiting Greenhouse Gas Emissions. It argues that these frameworks are 'imitational,' serving as a facade to maintain the international image of leadership while shielding fossil-fuel elites from actual emission reductions. Key failures identified include scientifically unfounded reliance on forest carbon sinks, a history of 'ghosted' energy-efficiency targets, and a lack of transparent verification or additionality criteria for carbon projects. The authors conclude that the current 'dual state' system, where informal elite interests override formal legislation, makes genuine carbon neutrality unlikely without systemic political and economic change.

The report analyzes how the Russian War in Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions have disrupted decades of energy diplomacy. While Russian crude oil exports proved resilient by redirecting volumes to India and China, the gas sector faced a severe crisis due to its reliance on European pipelines. The document details the use of 'shadow fleets' and blending to circumvent oil price caps and the limited feasibility of redirecting pipeline gas. It concludes that Russia is becoming increasingly dependent on China and that the focus on survival and new fossil fuel markets has marginalized its domestic low-carbon agenda.

The 2023 Sustainable Agriculture Market Intelligence Report by GreenCape examines the transition to sustainable farming in South Africa, particularly in the Western Cape. It identifies key investment opportunities in renewable energy, regenerative agriculture, smart farming, and circular agriculture to mitigate climate risks such as water scarcity and rising temperatures. The report provides market sizing for specific technologies, discusses the impact of national policies like the Carbon Tax Act and the Agriculture and Agro-Processing Master Plan, and highlights the Western Cape's role as a greentech hub.

The document explores the 'anti-green backlash' and the practical dilemmas of the energy transition, focusing on social inequality, territorial disputes over renewables and mining, and the geopolitical implications of critical raw material sourcing. It argues that a just transition requires rebuilding the welfare state, increasing democratic participation, and addressing historical ecological debts to avoid 'eco-apartheid' and political polarisation.

The document outlines a methodology for applying the Comparable Uncontrolled Price (CUP) method to bauxite transactions, focusing on the impact of mineral quality and market indexes on pricing. It identifies available alumina and reactive silica as the primary drivers of economic value and provides a detailed process for adjusting benchmark index prices to reflect specific ore characteristics and transportation costs. The guide also lists reputable price-reporting agencies and provides a worked example of calculating a Free on Board (FOB) price for Guinean bauxite exported to China.

The document applies the Comparable Uncontrolled Price (CUP) method to bauxite, detailing how physical characteristics, economic circumstances, and contractual terms influence pricing. It identifies key price drivers—specifically available alumina and reactive silica—and provides a methodology for using market indices from agencies like CBIX, Fastmarkets, and CRU to establish arm's length prices, including a practical calculation example for exports from Guinea to China.

The 2023 state of global environmental governance was characterized by a tension between significant multilateral achievements and deepening geopolitical fractures. While the world saw the adoption of the BBNJ treaty and the Global Framework on Chemicals, progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains dire, with only 15% of targets on track. Climate action reached a milestone with the first Global Stocktake (GST) in Dubai, calling for a transition away from fossil fuels, though critics noted the absence of a full phase-out. Geopolitical tensions, particularly Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have hindered scientific collaboration in the Arctic and increased the use of voting over consensus in treaty negotiations. Financial gaps remain a critical barrier, with calls for a New Global Financing Pact to address the needs of the Global South.

The document defines various forms of information disorder—misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and information manipulation—and explains their impact on political work, such as the undermining of public debate and the defamation of politicians. It provides a framework for establishing monitoring environments using OSINT tools, a methodology for evaluating incidents via the ABCDE-Framework and a priority matrix, and a set of strategic communication (StratKom) recommendations ranging from reactive measures like debunking to proactive strategies like prebunking and resilience building.

The report analyzes 12 social media platforms and various fundraising mechanisms used by actors in the Irish mis- and disinformation ecosystem. It finds that Twitter (X) is the most popular platform for these activities, while Telegram has seen exponential growth as a hub for original content and Russian state-backed media. Mainstream platforms like Facebook and Instagram show a shift in focus from COVID-19 health misinformation toward anti-immigration narratives. Alternative platforms such as Gab, Gettr, BitChute, and Rumble are used to host more explicit hate speech, including Holocaust denial and neo-Nazism, often serving as storage for content that would be banned on mainstream sites. Additionally, the report identifies 41 entities using 27 different donation platforms, including Stripe and PayPal, often in violation of the platforms' terms of service regarding hate speech and disinformation.

The report analyzes online gendered abuse in the US during 2022, focusing on events like the Depp v. Heard trial and the reversal of Roe v. Wade. It finds that these events acted as catalysts for misogynistic content, particularly targeting women in politics and those with intersecting identities. The study highlights the role of influencers like Andrew Tate and Nick Fuentes in spreading hate and criticizes social media platforms for inconsistent enforcement of their hate speech policies, especially in comment sections and regarding non-textual content.