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The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) identified 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing 413,288 posts across platforms like X and Telegram. The study found that while the volume of hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, anti-migrant and antisemitic content remained prevalent. Violent speech peaked in January 2025, coinciding with Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada. Key narratives included misogyny, conspiracy theories surrounding Romana Didulo, and anti-government sentiment. The report also highlights a 'Revolutionary Movementarianism' strategy aimed at blending public political activism with the secret build-up of paramilitary structures.

The report identifies 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing over 413,000 posts. It finds that ethnonationalists and white supremacists are the most prolific, while anti-Muslim extremists achieve the highest engagement. Hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, with migrants and Jewish people being the primary targets. The document also introduces a new analysis of violent speech, noting peaks coinciding with political events like Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada.

The document argues that peace negotiations are not merely about power and interests but are deeply influenced by ethical considerations. It presents a holistic framework (the 4Ps) to help practitioners and analysts identify moral dilemmas. The guide explores the tension between peace and justice, the ethics of inclusion and representation, the virtues of negotiators, and the legitimacy of procedural organization, emphasizing that ethical and strategic considerations are inseparable.

The report tracks G20 climate commitments from 2008 to 2024, noting a shift from general statements to specific goals like phasing out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implementing the Paris Agreement. It highlights the disruptive impact of US withdrawals from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration and the challenges of institutional memory within the G20. For its 2025 presidency, South Africa focuses on 'solidarity, equality and sustainability', with specific priorities for Africa-focused energy access, climate-resilient agriculture, and scaling adaptation finance.

The report details the G20's shifting focus on food security from 2020 to 2025, highlighting key declarations and initiatives from various presidencies. It compares G20 efforts with G7 initiatives and other global actors like the FAO and WFP, while outlining South Africa's specific priorities for its 2024-2025 G20 presidency, including inclusive market participation and climate resilience.

The paper examines the challenges South Africa and Brazil face in transitioning to green economies and their shared vulnerability to the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). It argues that both nations perceive CBAM as a form of 'green protectionism' that violates WTO non-discrimination principles and the Paris Agreement's principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC). The authors suggest that South Africa and Brazil can collaborate through BRICS and BASIC to advocate for fairer trade rules, technological support, and the integration of development needs into WTO climate provisions. Domestically, the paper recommends that South Africa accelerate its Renewable Energy Masterplan (SAREM) and reform its carbon tax, while Brazil should formalise a national carbon pricing regime and enforce its Forest Code to maintain export competitiveness.

The Production Gap Report 2025 finds that governments are planning more fossil fuel production than in 2023, with projected 2030 levels exceeding 1.5°C-consistent pathways by over 120%. While some countries are advancing clean energy transitions, 17 of 20 profiled major producers still plan to increase the production of at least one fossil fuel by 2030, undermining global climate commitments.

The appendix outlines the technical process for estimating the 'government plans and projections' (GPP) pathway using data from 19 major producer countries, which accounted for approximately 81% of global fossil fuel production in 2022. It describes the harmonization of diverse national data into exajoules (EJ) per year and the use of IEA's Stated Policies Scenario (STEPS) to scale these figures to a global estimate. The document also explains the conversion of energy units into physical units and extraction-based greenhouse gas emissions using specific emission factors for coal, oil, and gas.

The report frames ocean health as a critical component of U.S. national security, highlighting how the depletion of marine resources and illegal fishing drive geopolitical instability and transnational organized crime. It identifies specific risks in the Indo-Pacific and Arctic regions and warns that unsustainable practices place $8.4 trillion in blue economy assets at risk. To counter these threats, the document recommends elevating ocean governance in national security directives, strengthening alliances to counter illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and expanding public-private partnerships through innovative blue finance and technology.

The report identifies significant legal fragmentation and gaps across 12 tiger range countries (TRCs), particularly regarding the regulation of the entire trade chain, captive breeding, hybrid species, and digital markets. Key findings highlight that while tigers are protected, many TRCs lack mandatory confiscation requirements, comprehensive definitions of 'wildlife trade', and explicit regulations for tiger hybrids. Enforcement is often hindered by fragmented inter-agency coordination and a lack of specialized powers for frontline officers. Furthermore, online trade is largely under-regulated, and only a few countries adequately link wildlife crime to anti-money laundering frameworks as a predicate offence. The report recommends mandating permanent inter-agency task forces, criminalising all acts in the trafficking chain, and aligning national laws with CITES and UNTOC standards to combat transnational organised crime.

The 2024 WWF-SASSI report highlights the progress of South African seafood retailers in meeting sustainability commitments, noting that while some achieve high compliance (e.g., Woolworths at 93% by species), others lag. It identifies a growing consumer market, with seafood consumption rising to 16.7 million people by 2025, and emphasizes the necessity of a collective industry approach and Fisheries Improvement Projects (FIPs) to secure marine ecosystems.

The document details a campaign of coordinated inauthentic activity on social media platforms—primarily X, Facebook, and YouTube—attributed to Azerbaijan during the lead-up to and duration of COP29. It highlights the use of thousands of bot-like accounts to amplify pro-government and pro-fossil fuel messaging while drowning out criticism of the regime's human rights record and climate policies. The report criticizes Big Tech companies for failing to enforce policies against coordinated inauthentic behavior and calls for better guardrails in the COP Presidency process.

Russia used COP29 to promote fossil fuels and present revised GHG emission data based on a 'sovereign methodology' that claims a 34% reduction in emissions through forest carbon absorption. The document highlights that Russia's 'climate projects' are inconsistent with Paris Agreement standards on additionality and transparency, often serving to prolong fossil fuel use. Despite these issues, Russia has begun selling carbon credits to foreign buyers, such as the Arab Investment Fund, and seeks to expand these practices through BRICS+ and other business associations.

The document examines China's role as the dominant economy in the expanded BRICS bloc, arguing that China views the group as a tool to counter Western hegemony and advance its own geopolitical goals, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. While the bloc has achieved significant milestones through the New Development Bank and advocacy for climate justice, the paper highlights severe internal tensions—particularly between China and India—and regional rivalries among new members like Iran and Saudi Arabia that may hinder the bloc's cohesion.

The Commission on Nuclear Energy and American Leadership argues that reliable nuclear energy is essential for the US energy future, particularly to meet surging electricity demands from artificial intelligence and to reduce emissions. The report outlines a comprehensive 'game plan' for the next presidential administration, including a 'Day One' mandate to coordinate an all-of-government approach and a detailed set of actions for the first 100 days and first year. Key recommendations include increasing domestic uranium enrichment to end reliance on Russia, deploying advanced reactors for military and government sites, expanding nuclear exports to counter Chinese and Russian influence, and reforming multilateral development banks to support nuclear financing.

The author contends that the green energy transition cannot rely on markets alone or the leadership of fossil fuel producers, who lack the incentive to undermine their core business. Instead, the transition must be driven by consumers reducing global demand through policies like carbon pricing. The text outlines four geoeconomic scenarios for this transition: 'survival of the fittest', 'geopolitical preferences', 'green preferences', and 'development preferences', suggesting that the latter two—which prioritize low-carbon footprints and the socio-economic needs of lower-income producers—are the most just and realistic pathways to meeting Paris Agreement goals.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The document explores the potential for artificial intelligence (AI) to drive economic growth and strengthen cooperation among BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). It argues that while AI can streamline trade, enhance maritime security, and bolster cybersecurity, the bloc must overcome internal economic imbalances and diverse regulatory approaches. The author highlights existing frameworks like the 2015 MoU on Cooperation in Science, Technology and Innovation and recommends joint R&D, shared ethical guidelines, and infrastructure development to counter the hegemony of the Global North in AI policymaking.

The research paper examines the gap between constitutional human rights declarations and actual implementation within BRICS nations. It argues that the organisation, now expanded to include several non-democratic states, may function as a shield for autocratic regimes to avoid Western-led human rights sanctions while pursuing economic and geopolitical influence. The author highlights systemic violations across member states, including democratic backsliding in Brazil and India, war crimes in Russia, state-sponsored forced labour in China, and systemic corruption and xenophobia in South Africa, concluding that BRICS members often instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to assert regional dominance.

Small modular reactors (SMRs) are viewed as a potential source of reliable, emissions-free electricity in Canada, capable of replacing fossil-fuel baseload plants and diesel generators in remote areas. While Canada possesses an established nuclear industry and uranium reserves, SMRs are currently classified as 'wild cards' because they are not yet commercially viable and face significant technical, financial, and regulatory hurdles. Current Canadian efforts include a joint strategic plan by Ontario, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, with specific projects such as a reactor at the Darlington site and a micro-reactor at Chalk River. However, global examples, such as cancelled projects in the United States, highlight a trend of mounting costs and lengthening timelines that challenge the technology's competitiveness against wind and solar power.