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The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The report evaluates the implementation of REDD+ readiness in the Republic of Congo, noting progress in scientific capacity and institutional strength while recommending that capacity building and stakeholder engagement be prioritised early to ensure integration into sustainable development.

The document is an appendix to a research paper that lists specific conflict episodes where natural resources played a role. It categorizes these links into mechanisms such as financing, distribution, and aggravation, providing brief descriptions of how resources like oil, diamonds, timber, and land influenced the conflicts across various global regions.

The paper examines the shift away from agriculture in rural sub-Saharan Africa, driven by Structural Adjustment Programmes, and recommends policies to support occupational diversification and human capital development.

The document is a workshop report detailing the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and forced displacement create a cycle of instability. The report analyzes the role of regional bodies like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the East African Community (EAC) in promoting sustainable peace, while highlighting systemic challenges such as weak governance, impunity for human rights violations, and a dependence on external funding.

The document examines the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, alongside the political responses in Algeria and Morocco. It identifies systemic corruption, youth unemployment, and political exclusion as primary drivers. It specifically analyzes the Libyan civil war, the role of the African Union and European Union, and the potential for these revolutionary dynamics to spread to Sub-Saharan Africa. The report concludes that the African Union's response was slow and lacked a clear framework for dealing with popular democratic revolutions compared to military coups.

The document argues that the rise of emerging powers—specifically the BRIC nations—provides an opportunity for South Africa and the broader African continent to shift the global economic center of gravity toward the South. Minister Nkoana‐Mashabane emphasizes that South Africa seeks to balance its memberships in IBSA and BRIC to amplify the voice of developing nations in multilateral processes and the reform of Bretton Woods Institutions. For Africa to transition into an emerging power itself, the Minister identifies four critical priority areas: Infrastructure, Intra-trade, Industry, and Integration. The speech frames these geopolitical shifts not as a zero-sum game, but as a means to address shared global challenges including climate change and energy security through cooperation between the developed and developing worlds.

The report examines the surge in land acquisitions across Africa for agrofuel production, driven largely by EU mandatory targets for renewable transport fuels. It finds that approximately 5 million hectares of land have been acquired for fuel crops, often without community consent. The document argues that these 'land grabs' threaten food security by competing with food crops for fertile land and water, while providing minimal local employment. Environmental impacts include deforestation in the Congo Basin and habitat loss in Ethiopia's Babile Elephant Sanctuary. The report concludes that agrofuels are often exported for international profit rather than providing local energy security, leaving African nations with depleted natural resources.

The report examines the environmental, social, and economic impacts of unconventional oil extraction, focusing on tar sands and oil shale. It highlights that these resources produce significantly higher greenhouse gas emissions than conventional oil and cause severe local ecological damage, such as boreal forest destruction in Canada. The document criticizes the EU's Fuel Quality Directive for potentially underestimating the carbon intensity of these fuels and urges the EU to discourage their import and investment. It also details the involvement of European companies in projects across Venezuela, Madagascar, Congo, Russia, Jordan, and Morocco, warning that such developments in countries with weak governance risk exacerbating the 'resource curse' and undermining Millennium Development Goals.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The document examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, where oil wealth often correlates with poverty, corruption, and conflict. It evaluates the impact of governance initiatives like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), Publish What You Pay (PWYP), and Transparency International (TI) across eight oil-dependent states. The author argues that while these initiatives may be necessary for better governance, they are not sufficient on their own to overcome the systemic issues of rentier states, as evidenced by the continued prevalence of authoritarianism and corruption in several case studies.

The research finds that the location of natural resources relative to the conflict zone is critical to determining conflict severity. Gemstone mining and hydrocarbon production within a conflict zone are strongly associated with higher total combat deaths, with secessionist conflicts in hydrocarbon-rich regions being the most severe. Conversely, drug cultivation in the conflict zone and hydrocarbon production located outside the conflict zone are associated with lower combat deaths and reduced conflict intensity. The study concludes that resources influence severity by altering the incentives and organizational structures of both rebel groups and the state.

The Handbook for African Civil Society outlines the operational framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a tool for intra-African governance review. It details the five stages of the review process—from self-assessment to official publication—and the continental and national structures that manage it. The guide emphasizes that CSOs must take proactive leadership 'upstream' rather than waiting for government invitations to ensure their interests are represented in National Governance Commissions and National Programmes of Action. It identifies four key review areas: democracy and political governance, economic governance, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document also analyzes barriers to CSO engagement, such as fear of governments, lack of resources, and internal disorganization, while offering strategies to influence power centers including the APRM Panel, the Continental Secretariat, and national parliaments.

The report identifies thirteen dimensions of unfairness in Zimbabwe's March 2005 parliamentary elections, concluding they were not free and fair. Despite some improvements following SADC principles, the author highlights critical failures including a weak Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), repressive legislation, state control of media, and discrepancies between observer and official vote counts. The document argues that these flaws, alongside a constitution that favours the incumbent, necessitate urgent constitutional reform and the establishment of a truly independent electoral commission to prevent conflict.

The document analyzes China's strategy of accessing previously untapped natural resources in Africa, often in ecologically fragile areas with weak governance. It highlights the central role of the China Exim Bank in financing large-scale infrastructure and extractive projects, noting a historical lack of adherence to international environmental standards. Using the Merowe Dam in Sudan as a primary case study, the author illustrates significant social and environmental failures. While the Chinese government has begun introducing social and environmental guidelines and 'green credit' policies, the report warns that stricter domestic regulations may inadvertently encourage the relocation of polluting industries to Africa.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a political process, highlighting the tensions between governments and civil society in pioneer countries. It identifies systemic failures in the APRM's operational guidelines, specifically regarding timeframes, research methods, and the development of Programmes of Action (POAs). The authors propose the 'COPPER' principles (Candid, Open, Planned, Participatory, Exemplary, Rigorous) to ensure a credible review and provide a detailed strategy for civil society to influence the process through evidence-based written submissions and media engagement. The report concludes that the APRM's success depends on presidential leadership, transparent governing councils, and a shift in focus from merely identifying problems to crafting detailed, accountable solutions in the POA.

The report analyzes the growing resource-based partnership between China and Gabon, highlighting China's increasing role in Gabon's oil, timber, and mining sectors. It details the strategic importance of the Belinga iron ore project and examines how Sino-Gabonese relations are shaped by resource extraction, infrastructure development, and environmental concerns.

The briefing examines regional integration in Central Africa, contrasting the deeper economic and monetary integration of the Central Africa Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) with the broader, more politically focused Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). It highlights the influence of France and the EU, the economic role of Nigeria, and the complexities of Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations, particularly regarding revenue loss from tariffs and the asymmetric development levels of member states.