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The Visegrad Group (V4) is experiencing significant fragmentation due to diverging responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine and differing relationships with the European Union. While Poland, Czechia, and Slovakia generally support Ukraine and NATO expansion, Hungary has obstructed sanctions against Russia and the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. The once-strong alliance between Poland's PiS and Hungary's Fidesz was severely shaken by Orbán's ties to Putin, though a tactical reconciliation has emerged based on mutual dependence regarding EU rule-of-law procedures and shared populist narratives. Ultimately, the author argues that Orbán's veto power in the EU has reached its limits, leading him to seek alliances with American Republicans, European far-right fundamentalists, and China to maintain domestic legitimacy and enrich his clientelist network.

The author argues that international trade policy is shifting from a primary focus on trade liberalization and economic efficiency toward a 'multipurpose' approach. This new framework integrates broader objectives—including climate action, supply chain resilience, and national security—directly into trade policy rather than treating them as externalities. The document outlines domestic challenges, such as balancing incommensurable goals and breaking down departmental silos, and international challenges, including the increasing tension between national policy imperatives and World Trade Organization (WTO) rules. It concludes that while this shift addresses the perceived failures of globalization, it risks fragmenting international cooperation and increasing the divide between developed and developing nations.

Based on NASA and NOAA data, 2022 was the sixth hottest year on record, measuring 2.03°F (1.13°C) warmer than the 1881-1910 baseline. This warming occurred despite the cooling effect of a third consecutive La Niña year. The Arctic continues to warm nearly four times faster than the global average, with the last seven years being the warmest since 1900. The document also notes that renewables are projected to become the largest global electricity source by 2027, with China, the United States, and India expected to drive two-thirds of that growth.

The US power grid is described as highly fragmented, consisting of three isolated interconnections (Eastern, Western, and ERCOT) and 12 transmission planning regions, lacking a national-scale development plan unlike the EU or China. This fragmentation hinders the coordinated response needed for extreme weather events, such as Winter Storm Uri and Winter Storm Elliott. The author advocates for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) to mandate both a minimum amount of inter-regional transfer capability based on a simple metric and a robust, scenario-based inter-regional planning process to ensure resource sharing and cost-effective resilience.

The briefing outlines potential areas for U.S.-China collaboration on methane reduction following the U.S.-China Joint Glasgow Declaration. Key opportunities include the use of enteric methane inhibitors, improving rice cultivation practices, developing economic cases for anaerobic biodigesters in waste management, and sharing remote sensing data and facility-level monitoring strategies.

The author argues that while the EU views the energy transition as a path to energy security and global leadership, it currently lacks a comprehensive strategic plan. Internally, the EU faces risks of redundant spending and political friction between Western and Eastern member states over the distribution of benefits. Externally, the transition shifts dependencies from fossil fuel imports to critical materials and clean technology competition with the US and China. The document suggests the EU must integrate energy, infrastructure, and industrial policy to secure its markets and maintain stability in its neighborhood.

The report finds that 40 financial institutions fund a combined methane footprint that could exceed 503 Mt CO2e. It highlights a significant gap between the climate commitments of the countries where these institutions are domiciled and the institutions' own internal policies, which are described as weak or non-existent regarding agri-methane.

The report examines the direct and indirect benefits of energy efficiency (EE), such as reduced greenhouse gas emissions and increased industrial competitiveness. It details various international policy mechanisms—including regulation, market instruments, and fiscal policies—and evaluates their application in countries like Canada, China, and the EU. The document concludes that while Brazil has established several EE programs, it faces challenges such as fragmented governance and a lack of alignment between industrial and energy policies.

The report examines the global cotton market, highlighting the growth of VSS-compliant cotton, which reached 25%–26% of total production by 2019. It details the vulnerabilities of cotton farmers to climate change and market volatility, noting that farmers often receive less than 10% of a garment's retail price. The document argues for better price transparency, long-term contracts, and the internalization of external costs to ensure living incomes for smallholders.

The report analyzes the global cotton industry, highlighting the growth of sustainable cotton produced under voluntary sustainability standards (VSS) and the challenges posed by climate change and market volatility. It examines the disparity in value distribution across the textile supply chain, where smallholder farmers receive a minimal fraction of retail prices. While VSS like Better Cotton and Organic can improve yields and incomes, the report notes that many sustainable products are sold at conventional prices. It recommends improving contract transparency, internalizing external costs, and developing regional value chains, particularly in West Africa, to enhance resilience and farmer income.

The report finds that GFANZ members, including major banks and asset managers, have provided hundreds of billions of dollars to companies expanding fossil fuel production. It argues that the alliance's sectoral guidelines and individual member policies are insufficient to prevent this expansion, often relying on flawed decarbonization targets that do not explicitly prohibit new fossil fuel supply. The document calls for the adoption of robust 'no-expansion' policies, alignment with UN Race to Zero criteria, and the implementation of meaningful accountability mechanisms to ensure financial flows are redirected toward clean energy.

The document examines the clash between the rural African donkey market, where the animal is a vital workhorse for the poor, and the lucrative Chinese market for ejiao (donkey-hide glue). It highlights how explosive demand in China has led to donkey shortages, illicit smuggling, and severe welfare abuses, which in turn diminish the socio-economic mobility of rural Africans, particularly women and girls. The author argues that the current unregulated trade risks damaging China-Africa relations and suggests implementing sustainability certifications, breeding programs, and a distinction between medicinal and wellness-based ejiao consumption to ensure a sustainable supply chain.

The document analyzes the extreme vulnerability of CARICOM states to climate change, noting that while the region contributes only 0.33% of global greenhouse gas emissions, its key trade sectors—tourism, agriculture, and the blue economy—face existential threats. It identifies a gap in the region's trade policy, which currently lacks a clear articulation of how to serve climate resilience. The paper suggests that CARICOM can leverage its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to identify WTO negotiating priorities, such as technology transfer, climate finance, and the removal of trade barriers for environmental goods. It specifically recommends that the WTO recognize the unique vulnerabilities of Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and move beyond a developed-country agenda to support SIDS' offensive interests in carbon markets and the blue economy.

The ESMP outlines mitigation strategies for three primary activities in the Jigme Khesar Strict Nature Reserve: alpine meadow restoration, the construction of two reservoir tanks in the Thangdokha Watershed, and bio-engineering works at water sources. It identifies potential risks such as forest fires, masonry waste, and occupational health and safety hazards, providing specific mitigation measures and monitoring arrangements to ensure compliance with Bhutanese law and WWF safeguards.

The report examines how developed nations are adopting 'climate-justified' protectionist measures, specifically the EU's CBAM and the US's IRA, which depart from previous neoliberal trade doctrines. It argues that these unilateral policies threaten African economic growth and industrialisation by creating market barriers and restricting policy space. The author suggests that Africa should oppose the CBAM, leverage the US's use of localisation to justify its own local content requirements, and campaign for the treatment of green technologies as global public goods through the reform of TRIPS rules.

The document argues that current debt management frameworks used by the IMF and World Bank are insufficient and often counterproductive, contributing to a 'New Debt Crisis' in Africa. It highlights that Africa's total debt reached US$1.13 trillion by 2024, with a shift toward costlier non-concessional loans from private creditors and China. The analysis finds that tools like the Debt Sustainability Framework (DSF) rely on faulty premises, ignoring national assets and human rights obligations while promoting austerity. The brief concludes with recommendations for a UN-led debt workout mechanism, improved transparency, and the establishment of an African Financial Stability Mechanism.

The CESCR addressed climate change in most of its 2023 work, including twelve Concluding Observations and seven Lists of Issues. The Committee focused on mitigation policies, urging states like Brazil, Panama, and Portugal to meet their Paris Agreement NDCs, and recommended that China expand its emissions trading system and stop financing overseas coal power. Adaptation efforts were highlighted in nineteen statements, with specific calls for national adaptation plans in Cambodia, Palestine, and Yemen, and an emphasis on the participation of Indigenous Peoples in Panama. Additionally, the Committee challenged the fossil fuel reliance of states such as Qatar and China, while inquiring about oil refinery pollution in Curaçao.

The ASIA F-LIST 2023 report examines the role of advertising in sustaining fossil fuel consumption across selected Asian markets. It argues that companies use reward programs, prize giveaways, and 'purpose-washing' campaigns—such as rural development projects and environmental restoration—to distract from their contribution to the climate crisis. The report notes a gap between sustainable intent and action among Asian consumers, partly due to misleading marketing, and highlights a growing but inconsistent regulatory landscape for climate disclosure in the region.

The report analyzes fossil fuel marketing in Asia, identifying two primary strategies: incentivizing increased fuel consumption through loyalty programs and prizes, and 'purpose-washing' to shift climate responsibility onto individuals or project a sustainable image. It notes a gap between Asian consumers' sustainable intent and action, partly due to misleading marketing, while highlighting a trend toward mandatory climate disclosures in countries like India, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore.

The 2023 CleanAir NDC Scorecard reveals a significant gap between national climate pledges and the integration of air quality and health. While most NDCs mention air pollution, few quantify health impacts or set forward-looking targets. Low- and middle-income countries generally score higher than high-income nations, though many still face high air pollution mortality rates, highlighting a need for increased international finance to translate commitments into action.