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The document examines the conflict in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, asserting that while the violence is framed as militant Islam, it is rooted in long-term structural problems. It highlights how the discovery of rubies and offshore natural gas led to a 'resource scramble' that marginalised local communities and fostered grievances. The author notes that the Mozambican government's inept security response and the poor state of its military have further exacerbated the crisis. The brief concludes by comparing the situation to the Niger Delta in Nigeria, warning that without addressing socio-economic inequalities and improving governance, military interventions will be insufficient.

The document examines the link between armed conflict and forced displacement in Africa, noting that the number of forcibly displaced people more than doubled from 11 million in 2013 to 25.7 million in 2019. It assesses the African Union's (AU) 'Silencing the Guns' initiative, arguing that while infrastructure like the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) and the Panel of the Wise exists, implementation is hindered by a lack of conceptual coherence and poor governance. The brief highlights that governance deficiencies, corruption, and the illicit trade of firearms—with over 40 million civilian-held firearms in Africa—drive conflict and displacement. It recommends that the AU move from early warning to early action, improve interdepartmental coordination, and address the structural root causes of conflict to facilitate durable solutions like repatriation.

This report by Friends of the Earth International and Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria examines the failure of the Nigerian judicial system to hold transnational oil corporations, specifically Shell, accountable for environmental degradation and human rights violations in the Niger Delta. The authors argue that systemic barriers in national courts—including high costs, strict standing requirements, and corporate stalling tactics—necessitate the establishment of a World Environmental Court with international jurisdiction to ensure environmental justice.

Friends of the Earth International (FOEI) asserts that humanity has entered 'Decade Zero,' a critical window for drastic action to prevent irreversible warming. The report advocates for a 'Fairshare' approach to the global carbon budget, where rich industrialised nations take the deepest cuts and pay their 'climate debt' to the global South. FOEI rejects 'false solutions'—including carbon markets, REDD, and 'net zero' technologies—arguing they protect corporate profits and lead to human rights violations. Instead, it proposes a transition to energy sovereignty, agroecology, and community forest management, underpinned by a shift away from neoliberalism toward an economic system accountable to people.

The report examines the catastrophic environmental and human rights impacts of transnational oil companies, specifically Shell, in Nigeria's Niger Delta. It details the persistence of gas flaring and oil spills, the resulting destruction of rural livelihoods, and the systemic barriers—such as high legal costs, burden of proof, and judicial delays—that prevent victims from accessing justice in Nigerian courts. Through case studies, it demonstrates how corporations use legal stalling and jurisdictional challenges to evade accountability, concluding that a legally binding global treaty and an international environmental court are necessary to protect human rights and the environment.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights are insufficient because they are not standing UN policy and do not obligate states to incorporate them into national law. The statement highlights ongoing environmental damage by companies like Shell in the Niger Delta and Vale and BHP Billiton in Brazil as evidence of corporate impunity. It advocates for the 'Treaty' established by UN Human Rights Council resolution 26/09 to create binding rules for transnational corporations, while criticizing the European Union and United States for opposing this process in favor of corporate-friendly investment treaties.

The report examines the integration of indigenous flood forecasting with scientific tools in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. It details a project that deployed weather stations, flood gauges, and GIS-based risk maps across twenty villages to enhance local risk analysis and adaptation. Findings indicate that rural communities possess specific indigenous techniques for forecasting floods and are aware of the risks posed by sea level rise.

The document analyzes the shift in piracy activity from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf of Guinea. While international efforts led to a dramatic decline in Somali piracy, West African piracy increased in 2012, driven primarily by the theft of refined petroleum products linked to illegal oil bunkering in the Niger Delta. The author highlights the regional approach to security in West Africa, including the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (AIMS) and the establishment of an Inter-regional Coordination Centre in Yaoundé, while noting persistent challenges in intelligence gathering and inter-operability.

The document details a 2010 UNEP study aimed at mapping oil pollution in Ogoniland, Nigeria, to facilitate a clean-up plan. It highlights the historical conflict between the Ogoni people and Shell, the political tensions surrounding the study's publication, and the broader need for environmental remediation across the Niger Delta, calling for the home governments of international oil companies to provide expertise and pressure for regulation.

The document alleges that Royal Dutch Shell uses inflated and unverified statistics to attribute the majority of oil spills in the Niger Delta to sabotage, thereby avoiding liability for compensation and deflecting criticism of its environmental and human rights record. The complainants, Amnesty International and Friends of the Earth, argue that Shell's data is biased, lacks independent verification, and in several documented cases, contradicts joint investigation findings that pointed to equipment failure or corrosion.

The report concludes that Shell Nigeria operates well below international 'good oil field practice' and is out of compliance with Nigerian law. It highlights a 'double standard' where Shell applies lower environmental and safety standards in Nigeria than in industrialized nations, resulting in chronic pollution in the Niger Delta. Key failures include delayed asset integrity reviews, inadequate leak detection, and poor spill response, while the Nigerian government's lack of oversight and its role as a joint venture partner further exacerbate the situation.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The report argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities such as poverty and poor governance to potentially trigger violent conflict. It identifies four primary areas of concern: increased water scarcity, decreased food security, large-scale climate-induced migration, and the erosion of state fragility. While acknowledging that environmental stress is rarely the sole cause of war, the document highlights how shifts in precipitation and temperature can intensify competition over resources and destabilize fragile states. The authors propose four strategies to mitigate these risks: improving climate projections, reducing global greenhouse gas emissions, implementing conflict-sensitive adaptation policies, and integrating climate risks into all levels of governance.

The report argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities such as poverty and poor governance. It identifies four primary drivers of instability: increasing water scarcity, reduced food security, large-scale climate-induced migration, and the overall impact on state fragility. While climate change can intensify conflicts, the document emphasizes that non-climatic factors—specifically governance and institutional capacity—determine whether these challenges lead to violent conflict. The authors propose four strategies for mitigation: improving climate projections, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, implementing adaptation measures, and integrating climate risks into all levels of governance.

The document critiques the Nigerian Federal Government's 2009 amnesty program, which offered financial compensation to militants in the Niger Delta in exchange for disarmament. It argues that the deal focuses on symptomatic relief through cash payments rather than addressing the systemic socio-economic grievances and oil revenue allocation issues identified by the Niger Delta Technical Committee (NDTC). The author contends that without comprehensive reforms in governance and human development, the amnesty deal is unlikely to achieve sustainable peace and may instead encourage further militarization.

The report examines the Niger Delta crisis, arguing that the transition from a regional to a federal control of oil revenue after 1956, combined with environmental degradation by oil multinationals and state failure in governance, led to systemic instability. It identifies a 30% loss in daily oil production due to militant attacks and recommends environmental assessments, community compensation, and inclusive dialogue to achieve peace.

This case study examines the Nigerian energy landscape from 1990 to 2005, highlighting a heavy reliance on fossil fuels and unsustainable biomass. It identifies significant potentials for clean energy in solar, wind, biomass, and natural gas (specifically flare-to-power), while noting that investment is hindered by infrastructure deficits, political risks, and market distortions such as energy subsidies. The report proposes several Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects and a specific trigeneration case study for a rice mill cluster in Abakaliki to demonstrate the viability of biomass-to-energy systems.

The document examines the intersection of the Niger Delta insurgency and Nigeria's 2007 general elections. It argues that the region's instability is driven by ecological damage, poverty, and a lack of political autonomy for ethnic minorities, exacerbated by the failure of the 13 percent oil revenue award and the activities of oil companies. The author warns that if the elections are perceived as fraudulent, armed groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) may use the chaos to advance their goals through violence, potentially disrupting global oil markets. The briefing outlines several scenarios for the election aftermath, ranging from chaotic inconclusive polls to potential impeachment or military intervention, and recommends a sovereign national conference to renegotiate the federation's political and economic foundations.

The report argues that the West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP), a 681 km project involving Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana, fails to deliver its promised benefits. It contends that the project does not promote genuine regional integration, may increase energy costs for Ghana, and is unlikely to significantly reduce gas flaring in Nigeria. The document highlights concerns over the project's legal structure in Bermuda, the lack of environmental impact studies for the Escravos pipeline, and the continued reliance on fossil fuels.