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The report finds that international concessional climate finance grew by 50% from 2019 to reach USD 81 billion in 2022, though it remains small compared to fossil fuel subsidies. Sub-Saharan Africa is the primary recipient of these flows. The analysis highlights a gap in adaptation finance and a lack of standardized impact metrics. Domestic concessional finance is heavily concentrated in high-income economies, particularly Western Europe, and focuses primarily on mitigation. The report recommends redirecting fossil fuel subsidies, targeting fragile and conflict-affected states, and streamlining project approval processes to enhance efficiency.

The Institute for Economic Justice proposes a universal basic income guarantee (UBIG) as a foundational safety net for South Africa's transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. The document asserts that while targeted support for displaced workers is necessary, a UBIG is essential to cover those indirectly affected, such as informal workers and carers, and to prevent people from falling through gaps in social protection. It highlights international evidence from countries like Bangladesh, Brazil, and Ethiopia to demonstrate how cash transfers mitigate climate-induced crises and reduce negative coping strategies. Furthermore, the text argues that a UBIG facilitates environmental adaptation by providing the financial stability needed for reskilling and sustainable consumption, while promoting a more equitable distribution of climate risks between the Global North and Global South.

The document examines the role of migrant remittances as a resilient financial flow to Africa, highlighting their potential to bypass bureaucratic barriers in climate adaptation. It notes that while remittances reached US$100.1 billion in 2022, high transaction costs and low climate literacy hinder their effectiveness. The brief recommends lowering remittance costs, enhancing diaspora engagement through mechanisms like diaspora bonds, and improving climate literacy to empower local communities in building resilience.

The Sahel region is experiencing a major geopolitical shift as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and severed ties with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This move reflects deep-seated anti-French and anti-EU sentiment, driven by perceptions of neo-colonialism and a focus on security and migration over socio-economic development. As the EU's influence wanes, Russia has expanded its presence through military cooperation and strategic economic interests, including potential control over Niger's uranium. The author argues that the EU and ECOWAS must move away from punitive sanctions and colonial-era approaches toward equal partnerships and dialogue to maintain stability and influence in the region.

Project Drawdown analyzed the NDCs of eight African countries—Congo, Ethiopia, Malawi, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda—to identify synergies between climate mitigation and socioeconomic development. While all eight countries acknowledge poverty and gender mainstreaming, only Congo, Malawi, and Rwanda explicitly link climate solutions to specific human well-being dimensions. The analysis identifies 14 frequently cited solutions, such as Clean Cooking and Distributed Solar Photovoltaics, but notes the omission of other high-impact 'double-duty' solutions like Reduced Food Waste and Family Planning and Education. The report argues for recognizing Agriculture, Forestry, and Other Land Use (AFOLU) actions as both mitigation and adaptation tools and diversifying decentralized renewable energy to combat energy poverty in rural communities.

The report evaluates Nigeria's strategy to expand LNG production to offset declining oil revenues, warning that such investments risk becoming stranded assets as global demand shifts toward clean energy after 2030. It highlights that while Nigeria is the world's sixth-largest LNG exporter, the sector has not significantly improved domestic energy access or reduced poverty, and continues to be linked to environmental degradation and social conflict in the Niger Delta.

A World Weather Attribution analysis concludes that the extreme heatwave affecting the Sahel in early 2024, which coincided with Ramadan and power cuts, would have been impossible without the 1.2°C of global warming caused by human activities. The event was particularly severe in Mali and Burkina Faso, where 5-day maximum temperatures had a return time of 200 years. The study finds that human-induced warming increased 5-day maximum temperatures by 1.5°C in Mali/Burkina Faso and 1.4°C across the wider Sahel, while the current El Niño event contributed only a small amount (approximately 0.2°C). In Bamako, Mali, the Gabriel Touré hospital reported 102 deaths between 1-4 April, significantly exceeding the 130 deaths recorded for the entire month of April 2023.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in Africa, highlighting its capacity to provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity and its potential to drive economic growth and energy access.

The author examines the tension in German foreign policy between corporate profit interests and a values-based rhetoric, specifically regarding its engagement with Africa. Historically, Germany's approach has been 'economistic,' focusing on raw material imports and machinery exports. The paper argues that current geopolitical shifts and the need for critical minerals provide an opportunity for Germany to move away from post-colonial models. It suggests that instead of merely securing cheap resources, Germany should support a pan-African industrial policy, the mobilization of domestic resources, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to foster sustainable development and reduce Africa's dependence on raw material exports.

The report argues that the effectiveness of National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes depends on embedding deliberate learning—defined as the collective process of acquiring and applying knowledge to change attitudes and behaviors—rather than assuming learning happens automatically through monitoring and evaluation (M&E). It proposes a framework for fostering learning by integrating it across the planning, implementation, and MEL phases, strengthening enabling environments (such as leadership and institutional arrangements), and linking activities to concrete outcomes. A review of 45 NAP documents reveals that while 89% mention 'learning', most references are generic and high-level, with M&E being the primary identified source of learning. The report concludes with eight considerations for countries, emphasizing the need for clear learning directions, inclusion of marginalized groups, and dedicated resources from knowledge brokers.

The document examines how the green energy transition in Africa could trigger conflict due to land displacement, environmental damage, and inequitable benefit distribution. It identifies five key categories of legal protections—land and resource rights, environmental and social protections, compensation and benefit sharing, access to information and participation, and access to justice—that can mitigate these risks. While many Sub-Saharan African countries have enacted basic protections, the brief emphasizes that the quality of implementation, institutional capacity, and political will are essential to prevent a 'green resource curse'.

The document analyzes the constitutional crisis in Senegal following President Macky Sall's decision to postpone the February 25, 2024, elections. It argues that the move is illegal and unconstitutional, reflecting a trend toward authoritarianism and 'hyper-presidentialism'. The text details the roles of key political figures like Ousmane Sonko and Karim Wade, the repression of civil society, and the potential for regional instability in West Africa if the impasse is not peacefully resolved.

The report documents a dramatic increase in kidnappings in northern Benin, particularly in the Atacora and Alibori departments, driven primarily by Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM). Unlike criminal kidnappings for ransom, VEO-led abductions are strategic tools used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment of collaborators, and the intimidation of local leaders to displace state influence. The study highlights the role of national parks (Pendjari and Park W) as hideouts and recruitment hubs, and recommends the development of defector protection and amnesty programmes, infrastructure improvements, and restored diplomatic cooperation with Niger and Nigeria to counter the threat.

The report analyzes the surge of kidnappings in northern Benin since 2021, identifying them as a strategic instrument used by violent extremist organisations (VEOs) like JNIM to infiltrate new territories. It distinguishes between VEO-led kidnappings—used for forced recruitment, intelligence gathering, punishment, and intimidation—and criminal kidnappings for ransom, which are more common in southern regions and linked to actors in Nigeria. The document highlights the role of national parks as hideouts and hubs for illicit economies, and recommends protection programs for defectors, amnesty, and improved local infrastructure to enhance community resilience.

Turkey has expanded its influence in sub-Saharan Africa by leveraging a combination of humanitarian diplomacy, shared religious identity, and an anti-colonial narrative to establish soft power, which has subsequently paved the way for hard power interests. A key pillar of this strategy is the relationship with Somalia, recently solidified by a 10-year Defence and Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement granting Turkey authority over the management and defence of Somali waters. While Turkey positions itself as an alternative to Western powers, it faces competition from other middle powers like the UAE, Qatar, and Egypt. The document notes that Turkey's future engagement will be heavily influenced by its domestic economic crisis, potentially shifting priority toward high-yield economic activities such as defence exports and construction contracts over humanitarian aid.

The report assesses the potential for dialogue and negotiation to resolve the Boko Haram conflict in the Lake Chad Basin. It finds that while the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) is a more coherent and credible partner, its transnational ties to ISIL make it less likely to negotiate. Conversely, Jamā'at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da'wah wa'l-Jihād (JAS) is perceived as more motivated to negotiate due to military weakness and internal fragmentation, though it lacks centralized control. The study emphasizes a disconnect between hardline leadership and lower-ranking members, who are more open to exiting the group if economic needs and safety are guaranteed. It recommends a multi-faceted approach targeting individual commanders and the use of trusted intermediaries, such as traditional leaders and former associates, to build trust and facilitate demobilization.

SEforALL reports significant progress in 2024, including the mobilization of USD 1.4 trillion in commitments through Energy Compacts and the facilitation of a USD 2 billion commitment for Mission 300 in Nigeria. The organization expanded electricity access for 48 million people in 2024 and advanced national energy policies in Kenya, Ghana, and Sierra Leone, while promoting sustainable cooling and clean cooking initiatives.

The author argues that Germany is struggling to balance its 'exportist' economic model and corporate interests with a more recent emphasis on a 'rules-based order' and human rights in its foreign policy. Historically, German engagement in Africa has been characterized by a light footprint and a focus on extracting raw materials, such as oil and minerals. The paper suggests that Germany should move away from this extractivist approach and instead support African-led initiatives for domestic resource mobilisation and regional complementarities, particularly through the AfCFTA, to foster a more just and green transition.

The document analyzes the increasing debt distress in Africa, noting that public debt reached 65.6% of GDP in 2022. It highlights the shift toward non-concessional debt and the role of private creditors, who now hold over 40% of Africa's total external debt. The brief argues that the G20's Common Framework needs reform to be more inclusive of middle-income countries and private creditors. It advocates for the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency to counter perceived biases from global agencies and the creation of an African Debt Monitoring Mechanism by June 2024 to improve transparency. Key recommendations include restructuring multilateral development banks, extending debt repayment periods, and increasing IMF Poverty Reduction Growth Trust access limits.

The report forecasts a significant increase in Africa's energy demand due to population growth, projecting that it will overtake the EU27 by 2043. While Africa possesses vast oil, gas, and hydropower reserves, its current energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with 'other renewables' making up only 1.6% of production in 2023. The document highlights a trajectory where Africa will eventually become a major global source of carbon emissions from fossil fuels, overtaking the EU by 2034.