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The document examines Germany's engagement with African agrifood systems through the BMEL, BMZ, and GIZ, finding that while funding has grown, it remains primarily aid-driven and insufficient for systemic transformation. It recommends transitioning toward market-oriented partnerships, leveraging the AfCFTA and the CAADP Kampala Declaration to promote value addition and private sector investment.

The document analyzes the resurgence of military coups in West Africa between 2020 and 2023, specifically in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon. It argues that these events are not a uniform trend but are driven by a 'crisis of the democracy norm' initiated by 'pouvoiristes'—politicians who manipulate democratic systems to maintain power, such as by transgressing presidential term limits. The author distinguishes between the 'junta building' model seen in the Sahel (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), which leverages sovereigntist ideology and Russian alignment, and a 'supervisory junta' model in Guinea and Gabon. The paper concludes that geopolitical polarization has weakened Western influence on democratic norms, and that sustainable democracy requires supporting the 'culture of democracy' and a free press rather than just institutional 'hardware'.

The report finds that BP's 2025 strategy shift prioritizes oil and gas expansion and shareholder returns over low-carbon energy. BP has retired its scope 3 net zero production target and increased its 2030 oil and gas production target to 2.3-2.5 mmboe per day, which is 57% above the IEA Net Zero Emissions (NZE) scenario. Investment in low-carbon energy has been sharply reduced from a planned US$4 billion per year to US$0.8 billion per year for 2025-2027. Additionally, BP is expanding its LNG capacity and gas power plants, while abandoning previous targets for installed renewable power capacities by 2030.

The G20 Compact with Africa (CwA), initiated in 2017, aims to boost private investment and infrastructure in Africa through reform agendas in macroeconomic, business, and financing frameworks. While CwA countries often show stronger growth and trade performance, a direct causal link to investment flows remains unproven, and foreign direct investment to Africa rose only by $4.5 billion between 2017 and 2023. To enhance the initiative, the author recommends that South Africa's G20 presidency facilitate the admission of interested countries such as Angola, Kenya, and Zambia, and elevate the African Advisory Group (AAG) to a permanent G20 working group. Additionally, the note suggests spotlighting critical minerals and energy investment, improving investment grades to reduce Africa's $75 billion risk premium, and implementing 'country platforms' to increase private sector engagement in reform agendas.

The report maps nearly one hundred agreements on critical minerals between African states and global actors, highlighting the strategic competition for resources. It identifies a lack of transparency in these deals and notes that while China and Russia are prominent, other actors like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE are expanding their footprints. The analysis emphasizes that these partnerships often reflect broader geopolitical and historical ties rather than just economic needs.

The statement contends that integrated oil and gas majors are not transitioning to sustainable energy and should be excluded from financial support. Citing the Global Oil and Gas Exit List (GOGEL), it highlights that 95% of oil and gas companies worldwide have plans for new projects, with major European firms like BP, Shell, and TotalEnergies increasing production or expanding short-term plans. The author argues that these companies are diverting capital away from clean energy, with the three European majors projected to allocate less than a third of future investments to low-carbon activities, contradicting IEA 1.5°C scenarios.

The report examines four case studies to illustrate strategies for integrating gender perspectives into mining operations. In the DRC, Kamoa Copper SA uses a tiered educational and training pipeline to increase female employment. In South Africa, Ivanplats leverages intersectional legislative frameworks to foster partnerships between national contractors and Black women-owned businesses. In Mauritania, Kinross Gold Corporation supports a women's sewing cooperative to diversify local income. In Chile, SQM co-established the Atacameña Women’s Alliance (AMA) to provide health and financial support through a participatory governance model. The document argues that combining direct employment, inclusive procurement, and community-led benefit agreements can transform mining's social impact and enhance the economic empowerment of marginalized women.

The report examines the FAO's aquaculture growth targets and the 2025 Guidelines for Sustainable Aquaculture (GSA), arguing that they lack necessary protections to prevent the diversion of edible wild fish into fishmeal and fish oil (FMFO). Through modelling and case studies in West Africa, the document demonstrates how feed-intensive aquaculture increases pressure on wild fisheries and undermines local food security, particularly for vulnerable populations in Africa and Asia. It further alleges that the FAO's policy framing has been influenced by industry interests, shifting from a 'food-first' approach to one focused on efficiency and 'responsible sourcing' that permits continued extractive growth.

The Energizing Healthcare 2025 conference addressed the energy access gap affecting 1 billion people served by health facilities with unreliable or no electricity. The report highlights the need for approximately USD 5 billion in funding by 2030 to close this gap. Key discussions centered on moving beyond simple connections to focus on energy consumption, sustainable operations and maintenance (O&M), and the adoption of innovative financing models like Energy-as-a-Service and blended finance. The event also emphasized the integration of healthcare electrification into national climate plans and the critical need for energy-efficient medical equipment, noting that up to 70% of such equipment in developing countries is currently unused due to power issues.

The report examines how risk mitigation and transfer (RMT) instruments, such as political risk insurance and guarantees from development finance institutions (DFIs), help utility-scale renewable energy projects reach financial close in West and Central Africa. While these tools are critical for addressing offtaker and political risks, the authors argue they are insufficient to overcome structural macroeconomic barriers, including high sovereign debt and insolvent state-owned utilities. The report highlights innovative models, such as the re-deployable modular solar solution in Cameroon and the use of viable businesses as anchor loads in Ghana, as potential pathways for deployment in high-debt contexts.

The document argues that Africa-EU and Africa-Germany relations are still defined by 'coloniality', manifesting as power imbalances that marginalise African agency. It critiques the EU's security-development nexus and the 'Samoa Agreement' for prioritising European interests, and examines German development aid through the GIZ as often intrusive or tokenistic. The author highlights the exploitation of raw materials and the use of intelligence services to acquire indigenous medicines as contemporary colonial practices. To decolonise, the paper recommends respecting African demands on trade and resource beneficiation, ending the 'Europeanisation' of security missions, and shifting from development aid to industrialisation projects.

The report argues that European oil and gas companies are pursuing LNG projects in Africa that expose host countries to significant financial and environmental risks. Due to delayed revenue-sharing structures and a predicted global LNG supply glut by the 2030s, African states face the prospect of stranded assets and debt traps. The document highlights a contradiction between Europe's domestic decarbonization goals and its promotion of fossil fuel infrastructure in Africa, while noting that high breakeven costs make African producers particularly vulnerable to price competition.

The report examines Senegal's transition to an LNG exporter, highlighting risks such as high breakeven prices, potential stranded assets, and socio-economic disruptions to coastal fishing communities. It argues that relying on optimistic revenue projections is risky given the IEA's projected decline in natural gas demand by 2050 and recommends prioritizing renewable energy and strategic revenue management to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The Sahel region is experiencing a major geopolitical shift as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and severed ties with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This move reflects deep-seated anti-French and anti-EU sentiment, driven by perceptions of neo-colonialism and a focus on security and migration over socio-economic development. As the EU's influence wanes, Russia has expanded its presence through military cooperation and strategic economic interests, including potential control over Niger's uranium. The author argues that the EU and ECOWAS must move away from punitive sanctions and colonial-era approaches toward equal partnerships and dialogue to maintain stability and influence in the region.

The research paper examines the role of vertical industrial policies in Africa, contrasting them with horizontal policies and global value chain (GVC) theories. It highlights how Nigeria and Morocco successfully developed their cement sectors through targeted government interventions, while noting that replicating these specific tools in other sectors, such as sugar and tomato paste in Nigeria, has failed due to different raw material coordination needs.

Mauritania is unlikely to meet its 2026 deadlines for clearing anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions due to insufficient funding. A survey of one of three operators showed that funding rose from USD 0.039 million in 2023 to USD 0.35 million in 2024, with 58-60% spent on capacity development. National funding targets for 2025 and 2026 (USD 1.7 million for mines and USD 0.76 million for cluster munitions) are considered lower than the actual amounts needed for completion.

The report evaluates the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) as it marks 20 years of operation, critiquing its tendency toward ceremonialism over deep expert reflection. It analyzes UN Resolution 2719, which allows AU-led peace support operations to access UN-assessed contributions, specifically discussing its potential application in Somalia, the DRC, and Sudan. Additionally, it urges stronger continental coordination for the UN's Pact for the Future and argues that the AU should leverage its diplomatic position to mediate the Israel-Hamas conflict to protect Africa's economic stability and global influence.

The report finds that BP's investment strategy prioritizes oil and gas expansion and shareholder returns over climate solutions, with 2023 investments in oil and gas being 11.6 times higher than those in low-carbon energy. BP has revised its 2030 oil and gas production targets upward and reduced its scope 3 decarbonization targets, leading to a projected 2030 production level 26% above NZE alignment. While BP aims for 10 GW of renewable capacity by 2030, it will still produce 23 times more energy from fossil fuels than from renewables. The report also highlights BP's continued development of gas power and reliance on bioenergy and hydrogen, which may not be sustainable.

The document examines the Global Shield (GS) and other climate insurance initiatives in Africa, arguing that they are insufficient substitutes for a well-funded Loss and Damage Fund (LDF). It highlights systemic failures in parametric insurance, such as 'basis risk' and the inability of poor populations to afford premiums, while critiquing the technocratic and paternalistic nature of these schemes. The authors conclude that insurance should only be a complementary tool, and that equitable climate finance must be based on historic emissions rather than market-based premiums.

SEforALL reports significant progress in 2024, including the mobilization of USD 1.4 trillion in commitments through Energy Compacts and the facilitation of a USD 2 billion commitment for Mission 300 in Nigeria. The organization expanded electricity access for 48 million people in 2024 and advanced national energy policies in Kenya, Ghana, and Sierra Leone, while promoting sustainable cooling and clean cooking initiatives.