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The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The document outlines the observed and projected climate impacts in Africa, emphasizing that warming is already occurring and will likely accelerate. It argues that while global mitigation is essential to avoid catastrophic outcomes, immediate investment in adaptation is critical to protect food security, health, and economic growth. The report highlights opportunities for Africa to adopt low-carbon development pathways and calls for international cooperation and financial support to build resilience.

The document outlines the three primary areas of MRV—greenhouse gas emissions, mitigation actions, and support—and highlights the specific challenges LDCs face, particularly regarding the lack of common definitions for climate finance and the capacity burdens of reporting requirements.

The African elephant exhibits resilience due to its generalist diet and large population, but is vulnerable to high temperatures, disease, and a critical dependence on fresh water. Climate change is projected to increase heat extremes and create erratic rainfall patterns across sub-Saharan Africa, potentially exacerbating existing threats like poaching and human-elephant conflict. Recommended conservation priorities include securing water sources, maintaining connected habitats, and supporting human adaptation to reduce encroachment.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The document examines the underutilisation of best practices within the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while over 200 practices have been identified across 15 country review reports, they remain largely confined to those reports. It argues that best practices should serve as a central anchor for peer learning to drive governance reform. The author recommends that the APRM define best practices more clearly, integrate their identification into the initial country self-assessment phase to increase national ownership, and establish a central repository and dedicated learning forums to disseminate these home-grown solutions across the continent.

The research paper evaluates Nandi Dlamini-Zuma's first year as Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC). It credits her with improving the Commission's administrative efficiency, enhancing the AU's global diplomatic visibility, and initiating the 'Agenda 2063' framework. However, it highlights failures in managing conflicts in Mali and the Central African Republic, tensions arising from the appointment of South African diplomats to senior roles, and the ongoing challenge of the International Criminal Court's jurisdiction in Africa.

The document argues against the withdrawal of African states from the International Criminal Court (ICC), asserting that such a move would undermine human rights and the fight against impunity. It specifically addresses the situation in Kenya, noting that the ICC acted as a court of last resort after domestic efforts to prosecute post-election violence failed. The authors acknowledge global inconsistencies in international justice but argue that expanding ICC membership is the correct path to widening access to justice.

The document analyzes state fragility in Africa as a self-reinforcing syndrome driven by poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified fragile countries may transition toward resilience by 2050, ten are at risk of remaining in a 'fragility trap'. The authors emphasize that while Africa's overall economy is projected to grow significantly, the gap in extreme poverty between fragile and resilient states is expected to widen unless inclusive growth and improved governance are achieved.

The policy brief contends that offensive military intervention is frequently required to stop conflicts before peacekeeping can begin, noting that international bodies often fail to act promptly. It analyzes the increasing capabilities of opposing forces in Africa—including better training, equipment, and leadership—and the logistical challenges posed by vast strategic and operational distances. The author argues that South Africa, as a regional economic power, should develop an autonomous intervention capability within the SANDF, including enhanced special forces, airlift, and reconnaissance, potentially requiring a defense budget of approximately 2% of GDP, while still cooperating with SADC and the African Union.

Following the successful 2013 presidential election of Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, Mali faces critical challenges including the resolution of security crises in the north, the implementation of the Preliminary Ouagadougou Agreement, and the reform of defence and security sectors. While the election saw high participation and legitimacy, the new administration must now navigate inclusive dialogues with armed groups, organize parliamentary elections amidst political division, and implement a €3.25 billion sustainable recovery plan to revive an economy damaged by institutional and security crises.

The report examines the threats of religious extremism and terrorism in Niger, analyzing the factors contributing to its vulnerability and resilience. It details the government's three-pillar response—military, socioeconomic, and legal—while highlighting the challenges of regional cooperation in the Sahel-Saharan region.

The document assesses the G-20's food security commitments from an African perspective, focusing on food-price volatility, agricultural productivity, and nutrition. While it finds broad alignment in rhetoric and focus areas, it argues that the G-20 fails to implement critical regulatory reforms in financial markets and trade that would meaningfully benefit Africa.

The report examines the 'land question' in Ghana, identifying a weak institutional base and the political manipulation of land as primary drivers of insecurity. It details how these issues lead to violent disputes, the rise of 'land guards', and economic instability. The document also addresses the impact of large-scale land grabbing by foreign corporations and the systemic marginalization of women and the poor in land access. It concludes that these problems are mirrored across other ECOWAS member states and calls for regional policy leadership and greater accountability for traditional chiefs.

Brazil provides technical assistance to Africa primarily through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), focusing on South-South solidarity and the transfer of domestic expertise in agriculture, health, and social policy. While Brazil has established flagship projects like ProSavana in Mozambique and 'Cotton-4' in West Africa, the rapid expansion of these commitments has led to institutional overstretch, a lack of monitoring mechanisms, and a need for greater transparency and civil society involvement.

The African Union (AU) has transitioned from the non-interventionist norms of the OAU to an activist approach of collective responsibility, establishing the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to manage armed conflicts. While the AU has successfully deployed missions in Somalia and Burundi and partnered with the UN in Darfur, it faces significant financial, logistical, and coordination challenges. The document argues for deeper harmonization between the AU and UN, as well as a greater openness to bilateral peacekeeping training and assistance from partners such as France, the UK, and the US.

The briefing examines Senegal's vulnerability to religious radicalism following the crisis in Mali. It challenges the common perception that Sufi brotherhoods provide total immunity against extremism, highlighting risks such as youth unemployment, a dual education system, and the influence of Wahhabite and jihadist Salafism. The authors argue that the Senegalese government has not fully integrated the religious dimension into its security policy and recommends reforms to the educational system and increased regional intelligence cooperation.

The report examines the vulnerability of Senegal to religious radicalism and terrorism, particularly in the context of the conflict in Mali. While the majority of Senegalese citizens and traditional Sufi brotherhoods are viewed as a shield against extremism, the study identifies a growing minority of youth and 'reformist' movements influenced by Salafism and Wahhabism. These groups often express anti-Western sentiments and hostility toward traditional brotherhoods. The report highlights the risk posed by a dual educational system and the 'Islamisation of political contestation,' recommending a multidisciplinary approach to security and a national dialogue on education to mitigate the risk of radicalisation.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The research paper argues that South Africa's military involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR) is driven by a desire to contest Western influence and secure resource interests. It highlights the CAR's wealth in diamonds, uranium, and potential oil, which has attracted Chinese investment and caused friction with France. The author notes that South Africa's efforts to resist 'western interference' have been undermined by a lack of regional diplomatic support and insufficient intelligence infrastructure, leading to a 'humiliating experience' in the face of more established international rivals.