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The document analyzes French relations with sub-Saharan Africa under President Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting a pattern of oscillation between a public discourse of renewal and the practical maintenance of ties with authoritarian leaders. It details reforms in military presence, such as the closure of the Dakar base and the renegotiation of defense agreements, while noting continued interventions in Côte d’Ivoire and Chad. Commercially, France remains dominant in Francophone Africa through the CFA Franc zone and strategic interests in oil and uranium, though it is increasingly competing with new powers like China. The author argues that a lack of transparency continues to fuel conspiracy theories and negative perceptions of French influence across the continent.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

China views BRICS as a platform to build peer group viewpoints and collectively reshape a global governance structure currently led by Western powers. While China seeks a multi-polar order based on fairness and justice, the document notes that BRICS faces challenges in setting a global agenda, evidenced by failures to agree on an IMF head candidate and the Libya issue. The author suggests that BRICS should focus on internal economic cooperation and a gradual approach to transforming the world order, with South Africa's membership expected to enhance development cooperation in Africa.

The research paper examines how the US adapted to asymmetric warfare after 9/11 by rapidly expanding its use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Special Forces. It details the scale of UAV deployment, the shift toward 'network-centric' warfare, and the resulting geopolitical tensions and ethical risks, such as the 'Playstation syndrome' and the potential for a global arms race involving Russia and China. The author also highlights the role of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the Navy SEALs in covert operations across multiple continents, arguing that these developments have revolutionised 21st-century warfare and necessitate international legal scrutiny, particularly regarding operations in Africa.

The report assesses critical security and political risks across several African nations. In Libya, it highlights the challenges of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in establishing law and order and an inclusive government post-Gaddafi. In Egypt, it examines the volatile transition under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCOAF) and the rising influence of Islamist groups. In Guinea, it analyzes the fragility of democracy following an attempted coup in July 2011. In Malawi, it details the economic and political crisis resulting from the suspension of UK budget support and violent protests. Finally, it reviews the AU's response to the severe drought and famine in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia, under the principle of non-indifference.

The author argues that the African Union (AU) lost its opportunity to lead the Libyan crisis due to a lack of political will, failure to secure support for its road map, and an inability to escalate diplomatic engagement with NATO and the Arab League. The document highlights how UN Security Council Resolution 1973 prioritised the Arab League over the AU, leaving the AU as a marginal observer. To avoid further irrelevance, the author recommends that the AU recognise the Transitional National Council (TNC) and integrate its high-level ad hoc committee into existing international processes like the Libya Contact Group.

The author critiques the 2011 draft White Paper on South Africa's foreign policy, describing it as a "mechanical rehash" of previous policies that relies on clichés and platitudes. While the author welcomes the more inclusive consultation process and the proposal for a South African Council on International Relations, they note a lack of detail on implementation and a failure to address recent diplomatic challenges in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire.

One year after the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the author contends that South Africa must translate the success of the event into diplomatic action. By utilizing its positions in SADC, the AU, and the UN Security Council, South Africa is urged to address critical issues such as the Zimbabwe stalemate, crises in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire, and conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, and Abyei, thereby challenging 'Afro-pessimism' through substantive political leadership.

In a 2011 speech, Dame Nicola Brewer describes the evolving relationship between the UK and South Africa, framing Africa as a continent of potential rather than a problem. She highlights the UK's commitment to development aid, regional integration, and a transition to a carbon-constrained future, while advocating for shared democratic values and African leadership in resolving regional conflicts and reforming the UN Security Council.

The paper critiques South Africa's 'yes' vote on UN Security Council Resolution 1973, arguing that the country failed to foresee how the intervention in Libya would shift from protecting civilians to an unofficial NATO policy of regime change. It suggests that South Africa ignored warnings from BRICS partners regarding loopholes in the resolution and concludes that the country needs a more rigorous, principle-based approach to decision-making to be effective on the Security Council.

The report details 12 sustainability cases involving Royal Dutch Shell, highlighting systemic issues such as oil spills and gas flaring in Nigeria, toxic pesticide contamination in Brazil, and the high carbon intensity of Canadian tar sands. It examines the company's expansion into unconventional gas through fracking and its influence on political processes in the UK, Netherlands, and other host countries. The document argues that Shell's business strategy prioritizes profit over environmental and human rights, often employing a 'double standard' in its operational safety and reporting.

The document examines Rwanda's post-genocide trajectory, noting significant achievements in economic growth, gender parity in parliament, and progress toward Millennium Development Goals. However, it argues these gains are offset by a lack of political freedom, citing the 2010 elections, the suppression of independent media, and the intimidation of opposition voices under President Paul Kagame's administration. The author warns that the suppression of civil society could lead to instability similar to the pro-democracy uprisings then occurring in the Middle East and North Africa.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The policy brief argues that Uganda lacks the necessary legal frameworks and independent institutions to ensure transparency and accountability in the management of its oil revenues. While the Oil and Gas Policy of 2008 outlined institutional needs, many remain unimplemented, and the Petroleum Bill of 2010 is criticized for lacking progressive revenue collection and clear transparency guarantees. The author warns that current restrictions on information and threats to media freedom hinder public participation, recommending that oil production be delayed until a comprehensive revenue management law is enacted.

The document examines Angola's economic performance between 2002 and 2008, highlighting the risks associated with high oil intensity and the potential for 'peak oil' between 2010 and 2025. It argues that while the oil sector has a positive direct impact on the non-oil sector, a poor business climate and weak public spending effectiveness hinder broader development. The author recommends prioritizing domestic capital investment over the creation of a national wealth fund and emphasizes the need for transparent public finance management and democratic stability to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

The author analyzes the causes of popular uprisings in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Iran—citing unemployment, corruption, and authoritarianism—to warn the South African government. The text argues that constitutional democracy and voting are insufficient if elected officials remain unresponsive to the needs of the electorate, noting that dissatisfaction in places like Wesselton and Ermelo over jobs and service delivery mirrors the triggers of international unrest.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The document analyzes China's 'going-out' strategy, noting that while overseas FDI grew rapidly, it remained concentrated in energy and mining sectors and faced significant losses. It identifies four primary risk categories: breach of contract, exchange losses, premium-value transactions, and integration failures. The author argues that systemic risks stem from excessive government intervention and a lack of international management capacity, while external risks are primarily driven by the incompatibility of legal, political, and social institutions between China and host countries.