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South Africa is overexploiting its renewable water resources, with more than 60% of its rivers currently overexploited. Forecasts indicate that demand will increase across agricultural, industrial, and municipal sectors through 2035, driven by population growth, urbanisation, and industrial expansion. The report highlights critical vulnerabilities, including deteriorating wastewater treatment facilities—where nearly 25% are in a 'critical state'—and high levels of non-revenue water (approximately 36% of municipal consumption). To avoid a national crisis, the authors recommend implementing tiered water pricing, expanding the use of treated wastewater, and increasing sustainable groundwater extraction. The report also notes that transitioning from coal-based energy to renewables would reduce industrial water demand. While large-scale infrastructure projects are planned, the report argues they are insufficient without aggressive demand reduction and efficiency measures.

The research paper evaluates South Africa's foreign policy during the presidency of Jacob Zuma, highlighting the shift toward emerging powers like China and the BRICS grouping while noting a decline in human rights commitments and strained relations with the West. It contrasts Zuma's multilateral approach with the 'African Renaissance' focus of his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki, and argues that domestic issues like xenophobia and the Marikana Massacre have damaged South Africa's continental leadership and global image.

The paper argues that a SACU development fund could transition the union from a simple revenue-sharing mechanism to an active agent of regional economic integration. By analyzing the EU's ESI Funds and the CARICOM Development Fund (CDF), the author suggests that such a fund could address critical trade barriers—such as infrastructure deficits in energy and water, and lack of standards harmonization—while providing a more accountable alternative to direct budget transfers to member states. Key recommendations include adopting a clear, measurable mandate, implementing a nuanced classification of member states' development levels for equitable resource allocation, and incorporating private-sector representation in governance.

The workshop, organised by SAIIA and IPPR, provided training to over 50 civil society members on the APRM's structure and the importance of early engagement. Key recommendations included the formation of a civil society working group and the development of a detailed written submission to influence the national review. Participants identified critical national issues for the submission, including land ownership, urban housing, the informal economy, education, and youth unemployment. The report also highlighted lessons from other African nations, noting that while the APRM can drive policy changes, such as women's rights in Lesotho, its impact is often limited by poor implementation of National Programmes of Action.

The document examines the tension in South Africa between the desire to attract skilled migrants and the drive to deter irregular, semi-skilled migration. It critiques the 2016 Green Paper on International Migration for proposing regressive asylum policies, such as processing centres, while noting positive steps toward regional SADC integration and the retention of foreign graduates. The authors highlight systemic bottlenecks, including poor inter-departmental coordination and the negative impact of the Licensing of Small Businesses Bill on migrant entrepreneurs, and argue that xenophobia is exacerbated by government discourse linking irregular migration to national security.

The report analyzes the economic landscape of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), highlighting the dominance of South Africa and the structural challenges facing small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS). Through eight case studies, it identifies critical bottlenecks including unreliable electricity, high transport costs, non-harmonized standards, and burdensome customs procedures. The paper argues that a SACU development fund could be a pivotal tool to finance regional infrastructure and regulatory reforms, moving beyond the current revenue-sharing model to foster genuine industrialization and pro-poor economic outcomes.

The document argues that current transboundary water governance in Southern Africa is inadequate due to a prioritisation of national sovereignty over regional integration. It highlights how climate change acts as a 'stress multiplier', exacerbating water scarcity and threatening energy and food security, as seen in the 2015/16 hydropower crises in Zambia and Zimbabwe. The author contends that while bilateral agreements (like the Zambezi River Act) provide some success in benefit-sharing, broader basin-level cooperation is hindered by weak mandates for river basin organisations (RBOs) and a lack of quantified economic co-benefits. The paper advocates for a 'positive-sum' approach to water management, integrating climate risks into investment planning to unlock international climate finance and prevent cross-border disputes.

The briefing argues that Lesotho must diversify its economy beyond SACU revenue and textile exports to the US, improve human rights to maintain AGOA eligibility, and upskill its female workforce to mitigate the risks of automation and the 2025 expiration of preferential trade access.

The report analyzes development trajectories for 14 Southern African countries, forecasting that while GDP is expected to grow, extreme poverty will persist due to rapid population growth and governance challenges. It uses scenario modeling to demonstrate that integrated policy interventions in governance, health, education, and infrastructure can significantly improve regional outcomes, with governance capacity identified as the primary catalyst for economic growth.

The report examines arms brokering practices and national legislation in 12 Southern African countries, including Angola, Botswana, DRC, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe. It finds that most of these states lack specific domestic laws to regulate brokers, leaving them vulnerable to illicit trafficking and sanctions-busting. While South Africa and Mauritius have established comprehensive brokering controls, others rely on outdated laws or general criminal codes. The document emphasizes the role of regional frameworks like the SADC Protocol and international treaties such as the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and the UN Programme of Action (UNPoA) in closing legislative loopholes and improving cross-border cooperation.

The document examines the infrastructure financing gap in sub-Saharan Africa, highlighting the distinct needs of low-income countries (LICs) and middle-income countries (MICs). While MDBs provide low-interest loans and technical expertise, they face competition from private financiers and bilateral investors. LICs struggle with indebtedness and declining official development assistance, often resorting to expensive private loans, whereas MICs leverage domestic markets and attract more private investment. Common challenges across the continent include a lack of technical skills for public-private partnerships, a reliance on single commodities, and overly bureaucratic MDB approval processes. The author concludes that MDBs must move away from treating Africa as a monolith and instead adopt country-specific strategies.

The document analyzes South Africa's transition from a leading 'norm entrepreneur' in Africa during the Mandela and Mbeki eras to a state currently facing a 'crisis of expectations' under President Jacob Zuma. While South Africa historically exported its model of democratic transition through mediation in Burundi and the DRC and the reform of continental institutions like the AU and SADC, it is now criticized for failing to oppose democratic reversals and human rights abuses. The brief highlights contradictions in South Africa's current approach, including its controversial withdrawal from the International Criminal Court and its reluctance to vote on country-specific human rights issues in the UN. It recommends that South Africa leverage its soft power and financial influence within the AU and SADC to regain its status as a champion of peace and governance.

The document argues that while South Africa has been instrumental in the DRC's peace processes and initial state-building, its current approach is failing to ensure long-term institutional stability. The author contends that South Africa's 'quiet diplomacy' and reluctance to demand adherence to democratic values and the rule of law have allowed the DRC's political transition to stall, specifically regarding the postponement of presidential elections.

The document examines the vulnerability of Southern Africa's livestock sector to increasing temperatures and erratic rainfall, highlighting the severe impact of the 2015/2016 drought. It argues that while regional frameworks like the SADC Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan exist, implementation remains sporadic and donor-driven. The author advocates for a shift toward indigenous, drought-tolerant breeds—such as Nguni cattle—and the implementation of dedicated support systems for small-scale farmers to ensure food security and sustainable production.

The document analyzes the challenges African low-income countries (LICs) face in financing infrastructure, specifically focusing on the African Development Fund (ADF). It highlights a critical gap in concessional funding, which pushes LICs toward high-interest non-concessional loans and unsustainable debt. The paper evaluates the ADF's ability to mobilize private sector finance through blending, guarantees, and public-private partnerships (PPPs), while using Lesotho and Senegal as case studies to illustrate issues such as inadequate project preparation, limited institutional capacity, and the risks of poorly managed PPPs. It concludes with recommendations for the ADF to enhance its project preparation facilities, improve debt advisory services, and ensure more inclusive stakeholder consultations.

The document analyzes Africa's epidemiological transition, noting that while communicable diseases currently cause a disproportionate share of deaths, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are rising. Using scenario modeling, it argues that achieving SDG 3.3 (eradicating communicable diseases) would significantly boost GDP and life expectancy but accelerate the shift toward NCDs, potentially stressing health systems. Conversely, achieving SDG 3.4 (reducing premature NCD deaths) improves productivity through reduced disability but offers smaller overall economic gains than the eradication of infectious diseases.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

The case study compares international and regional foreign direct investment in Lesotho's apparel industry, finding that regional investment from South Africa offers greater potential for sustainable development and production relocation compared to the rent-seeking, labor-exploiting nature of Taiwanese investment focused on US market access via AGOTS.

The document examines a long-standing boundary dispute between Malawi and Tanzania, which escalated in 2012 due to the discovery of potential oil reserves. It analyzes the failure of formal legal mechanisms, such as the SADC Tribunal, and the limitations of current preventive diplomacy tools within SADC and the African Union, arguing that a lack of political will and funding hampers regional conflict resolution.

The document assesses the adoption and effectiveness of youth policies across Africa, highlighting a lag in adoption compared to global trends. It identifies critical failures in data collection, policy design, and state implementation capacity, while noting successes in creating youth representative bodies. The author argues that for youth policies to succeed, they must be evidence-based, realistic regarding state capacity, and supported by partnerships with non-state actors.