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The WWF-SASSI Consumer Seafood Guide is a reference tool that categorizes seafood into three sustainability levels: Green (Best Choice), Orange (Think Twice), and Red (Don't Buy). It emphasizes that sustainability depends on the species, the method of capture or farming, and the geographic origin of the seafood. The guide provides specific examples of sustainable and unsustainable seafood, such as MSC-certified SA trawled hake (Green) and various 'No Sale' species that are illegal to sell in South Africa.

The document examines the tension between Africa's potential as a clean energy leader and the restrictive nature of unilateral trade instruments like the EU's CBAM. While Africa possesses significant renewable energy potential and 30% of global critical mineral reserves, the paper argues that CBAM could reduce collective GDP by 0.91% (approximately USD 25 billion) and limit fiscal space for green R&D. It suggests that African nations leverage their strategic mineral advantages, utilize the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to eliminate 97% of internal tariffs, and push for more structured discussions on trade restrictions within the UNFCCC and WTO.

The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.

During the UN General Assembly's 80th anniversary, African leaders challenged the traditional aid model, citing a legitimacy crisis driven by funding cuts and coercive conditionality. The document highlights a strategic shift toward 'aid to trade,' domestic fiscal capacity, and the demand for structural reforms in global governance. Key issues include a $4 trillion annual SDG financing gap, unsustainable debt servicing—with Sub-Saharan African countries spending approximately 12% of budgets on debt—and the failure of developed nations to meet climate finance pledges. Proposed solutions include the creation of a G20 Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts to explore new financing models, the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency, and the use of the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index to improve access to concessional finance.

The report analyzes governance and democracy across seven Southern African nations, highlighting a gap between policy frameworks and actual implementation. It emphasizes the critical role of civil society organizations (CSOs) as intermediaries and the necessity of freedom of expression for national stability, while noting that CSOs face increasing political and financial threats.

The report details the disclosure of environmental and social impact assessments and management plans for the Kwama-Ilute Solar PV subproject in the Sesheke District of Zambia. It confirms that required documents, including the ESIA, ESMP, and Livelihood Restoration Plan, were disclosed on September 4, 2025, in both English and Lozi to ensure accessibility for affected populations. The subproject is classified as GCF Category B, while the overarching REPP 2 programme is Category I-2 and covers ten target countries across Africa.

The report examines governance in Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe, highlighting a systemic gap between the adoption of policy frameworks and their actual implementation. It identifies executive dominance as a primary barrier to the separation of powers and notes that corruption and structural inequality continue to undermine economic development. Environmentally, the report emphasizes that while Africa contributes the least to global emissions, it remains the most vulnerable region to climate change, with poor environmental practices and inadequate policy coordination exacerbating the crisis. The author argues that empowering civil society and youth is essential for building state resilience and achieving sustainable development.

Africa's nitrogen fertilizer consumption is 5.5x below the global average, leaving 50 million small family farmers at a disadvantage due to high costs and price volatility of imported 'gray' fertilizers. The report argues that Distributed Green Ammonia (DGA) production—which is modular, smaller, and compatible with intermittent renewable energy—can provide a cheaper, more resilient local supply. It highlights emerging technologies such as novel Haber-Bosch systems, plasma catalysis, chemical looping, and direct electrochemical conversion. A commercial modular plant by TalusAg in Naivasha, Kenya, is cited as a proof of concept producing fertilizer over 50% cheaper than imports. Scaling these solutions requires cheap clean electricity, demand aggregation through partners like One Acre Fund, and access to local currency debt to mitigate currency volatility.

The document analyzes the effects of Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports to the U.S. While mineral-exporting nations may find relief through exemptions for critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in textiles. The authors discuss the precarious future of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and advocate for a coordinated continental strategy via the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area to mitigate these trade disruptions.

The report details a framework of seven indicators designed to evaluate how well non-Annex I countries communicate climate finance needs and strategies in their NDCs to attract private and international capital. The methodology employs a graduated scoring system from 'absent' to 'strong' to measure the 'investability' of these documents. As of May 31, 2025, the framework was applied to 18 non-Annex I parties, comparing their most recent submissions with previous ones to track progress in financial transparency and planning.

The report confirms that the FP211 Hardest-to-Reach programme is classified as ESS Category I-2 and has established an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS). This system, which includes a Land Acquisition and Resettlement Policy and Guidance on Indigenous Peoples, is disclosed in English, French, Portuguese, and Arabic. The ESMS is available at Acumen's offices in Kenya and Nigeria, as well as at the Nationally Designated Authority offices in the target countries. An updated version of the ESMS was released on June 30, 2025, to provide more detail on investing strategy and safeguarding roles, and to include Liberia in the programme scope.

The report examines the role of green banks in bridging the USD 7.4 trillion annual climate funding gap. It identifies four main structures: standalone de novo banks, enhanced public development banks (PDBs), green facilities within PDBs, and country platforms. While standalone banks are more common in advanced economies, EMDEs frequently utilize green facilities as transitional mechanisms. The report emphasizes that success depends on financial, environmental, and political sustainability, and proposes three international support options: a new design initiative, expanding the FiCS Innovation Lab, or forming a coalition of existing initiatives.

The paper defines Zombie Energy Systems (ZES) as outdated, inefficient, and environmentally harmful energy assets that persist in Africa despite being obsolete. It argues that the current international focus on new renewable energy projects overlooks the necessity of decommissioning or rehabilitating these failing systems, which include ageing power plants, inefficient grids, and second-hand appliances. The authors trace the origins of ZES to colonial legacies, poor maintenance, and political corruption, and propose a holistic strategy involving comprehensive system assessments, regulatory strengthening, and local capacity building to ensure a just and effective energy transition.

The document argues that secure land tenure is a prerequisite for agroecological transitions in Africa, as it provides the security necessary for farmers to invest in long-term sustainable practices. It highlights how colonial legacies of land dispossession continue to create systemic inequalities and tenure insecurity across different African regions. The brief provides specific analysis of land systems in countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Benin, Uganda, and Malawi, noting that while some national policies recognize agroecology, institutional support often remains tied to industrial, input-intensive agriculture. It concludes with recommendations for donors to shift toward long-term, locally led, and gender-sensitive funding models that prioritize land rights and social equity.

The 2025 Impact Report details the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative's progress in securing diplomatic support, engaging subnational governments, and conducting research to create a 1.5ºC-aligned mechanism for phasing out fossil fuels. Key achievements include the announcement of the First International Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels for April 2026, the addition of Cambodia and Saint Kitts and Nevis to the participating nations, and a resolution in support of the treaty passed by the IUCN. The initiative has grown to include 18 participating countries from the Global South, over 140 cities, and 4,200 civil society organizations.

The document assesses the effects of US Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports from 190 countries. While mineral-exporting nations like Angola and South Africa may find relief through exemptions for oil and critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in the textile sector. The analysis highlights a strategic divide: some nations seek bilateral deals, others aim for self-sufficiency, and a group of African WTO members are coordinating through the 'Friends of the System'. The authors argue that African nations should negotiate collectively under the African Union to protect regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as the AGOA program faces expiration on September 30, 2025.

The document examines the transition of South Africa to a coalition-based national government following the May 2024 elections, where the ANC lost its majority. It argues that for the GNU to be effective, partners must prioritize accountability and service delivery over the retention of power. By analyzing the instability of local coalitions in South Africa and comparing them with experiences in Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, and Western Europe, the brief advocates for the adoption of formal, written coalition agreements to manage ideological tensions and improve governmental stability.

The report examines the potential for mining companies to share their digital infrastructure—such as high-speed connectivity and data processing technologies—with host communities to catalyze economic diversification and social benefits. It identifies significant barriers, including the 'usage gap' driven by digital illiteracy and a lack of devices, and a pronounced gender digital divide. The document provides policy recommendations to integrate digital connectivity into local content strategies, improve inter-ministerial coordination, and establish public-private partnerships to ensure the long-term sustainability of these networks beyond the mine's life cycle.

The document examines the transition of South Africa to a national coalition government following the May 2024 elections, where the ANC lost its majority. It contrasts the 2024 GNU—born of political necessity—with the 1994 GNU, which was mandatory for reconciliation. The authors analyze the instability of local-level coalitions in South Africa and review coalition models in Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, and Western Europe. The brief concludes that South Africa should adopt formal, written coalition agreements to prioritize governmental accountability and service delivery over the retention of political power.

The document advocates for a progressive tax agenda to address extreme poverty and wealth concentration, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. It proposes several instruments: Financial Transaction Taxes (FTTs) to curb speculation and raise billions annually; net wealth taxes to target the super-rich; property taxes to leverage immobile assets; and Resource Rent Taxes (RTT) for the extractives sector. Using South Africa as a case study, the brief demonstrates that a combination of these taxes could generate substantial revenue to fund social protection, healthcare, and a Universal Basic Income Guarantee, potentially increasing GDP growth.