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The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Basel Convention's Secretariat has created legal loopholes by concluding that the Convention's transboundary movement (TBM) and environmentally sound management (ESM) obligations do not apply to wastes generated on board ships. CIEL proposes that 'marine area' and 'area under national jurisdiction' should be interpreted to include a coastal State's internal waters, territorial sea, and exclusive economic zone (EEZ), as well as the ships themselves under flag-State jurisdiction. While CIEL agrees that wastes from 'normal operations of a ship' covered by Marpol are excluded under Article 1(4), it asserts that industrial wastes generated on board vessels fall within Basel's scope. The document emphasizes the principles of 'systemic integration' and 'effet utile' to ensure the Convention effectively protects human health and the environment from illegal waste movements, citing the 2006 Probo Koala incident as a primary example of the risks posed by such loopholes.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The briefing addresses two distinct regional security issues: a resurfacing border dispute between Malawi and Tanzania triggered by oil and gas exploration in Lake Malawi, and the fragile security situation in Côte d'Ivoire where stalled security sector reform and DDR processes have left the country vulnerable to armed attacks.

The document analyzes the complex relationship between South Africa and Nigeria, noting that while trade grew significantly between 1999 and 2008, diplomatic tensions persist over regional issues and AU leadership. It argues that the two nations share similar domestic challenges and regional influence, suggesting that institutionalizing their cooperation through the Bilateral National Commission (BNC) is essential for strengthening Africa's global voice.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

Former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah details Sierra Leone's transition from a failed state characterized by a brutal civil war (1991–2002) to a functioning democracy. He attributes the conflict to bad governance, corruption, and the influence of the Liberian conflict, while highlighting the role of international interventions (ECOMOG, UN, UK, US) and internal reforms in restoring peace. The report emphasizes the importance of constitutional adherence, security sector reform, and the fight against corruption in sustaining stability.

The author contends that the traditional appointment of an American as World Bank president should be replaced by an open, merit-based process. While acknowledging the difficulty of shifting global power dynamics, the text suggests that South Africa should lead an effort to nominate an African candidate. This campaign is framed not only as a bid for the presidency but as a strategic move to demonstrate African unity, highlight the continent's needs regarding poverty and climate change, and push for long-term reform in international economic governance.

The document examines the African Union's inability to act decisively during crises, such as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, attributing this to limited decision-making powers and divergent interests among its 54 member states. It analyzes South Africa's bid for the AU Commission chair as a signal of its intent to be more assertive in African geopolitics, while noting that its size and dominance can trigger fears of hegemony among other member states. The author suggests that South Africa should 'lead from behind' by building alliances with other states to professionalize the AU rather than seeking formal leadership positions.

The document examines how the Kimberley Process (KP) failed to address human rights abuses in Zimbabwe's Marange region because its definition of 'conflict diamonds' only covers those used by rebel groups. It details the involvement of Zimbabwean security forces in torture, rape, and smuggling, and the lack of transparency regarding diamond revenues. The authors recommend that the KP expand its definition to include governments, establish local monitoring mechanisms, and require transparency in mining licenses.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The document analyzes French relations with sub-Saharan Africa under President Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting a pattern of oscillation between a public discourse of renewal and the practical maintenance of ties with authoritarian leaders. It details reforms in military presence, such as the closure of the Dakar base and the renegotiation of defense agreements, while noting continued interventions in Côte d’Ivoire and Chad. Commercially, France remains dominant in Francophone Africa through the CFA Franc zone and strategic interests in oil and uranium, though it is increasingly competing with new powers like China. The author argues that a lack of transparency continues to fuel conspiracy theories and negative perceptions of French influence across the continent.

The document translates the global scientific findings of the IPCC SREX report into a regional context for Africa, emphasizing that disaster risk is increasing due to both climate change and socio-economic factors. It argues for an integrated approach that combines disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) and sustainable development. Key regional findings include projected increases in heatwaves and droughts in Southern Africa and increased heavy precipitation in Eastern Africa. The report highlights the extreme vulnerability of coastal cities and the agricultural sector, while advocating for national legislative frameworks, early warning systems, and international financial mechanisms to build long-term resilience.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The document outlines the use of human urine as a nutrient-rich, low-cost alternative to chemical fertilizers. It details the composition of urine, application strategies to maximize crop yields while minimizing ammonia loss, and a multi-barrier risk management approach based on WHO guidelines to ensure health safety. The guide also addresses the economic value of urine, institutional frameworks for implementation, and provides case studies from Sweden, Burkina Faso, and Niger.

Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has shifted its foreign policy to prioritize domestic economic development and political stability over the pursuit of regional prestige. The country has pursued a 'charm offensive' to remove its pariah status and has balanced strategic partnerships with traditional powers (US, UK, France, Russia) and emerging powers (China, India, Brazil). Key priorities include debt relief, infrastructure development, and security cooperation, with a particular emphasis on 'exchanging oil for development' in its relations with China and Brazil.

The author critiques the 2011 draft White Paper on South Africa's foreign policy, describing it as a "mechanical rehash" of previous policies that relies on clichés and platitudes. While the author welcomes the more inclusive consultation process and the proposal for a South African Council on International Relations, they note a lack of detail on implementation and a failure to address recent diplomatic challenges in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire.

The document argues that achieving an annual improvement of nearly 2 percentage points in water and sanitation access across Africa would significantly reduce child malnutrition and infant mortality, increase GDP, and lower the probability of state failure. It identifies that such progress requires an additional public investment of nearly US $35 billion over 40 years, primarily targeting sanitation. The analysis highlights that success in this sector is driven by public policy, institutional management, and finance rather than technology, citing examples from Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.