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The report argues that the decline in migrant arrivals from Libya in late 2017 resulted from the co-option of smuggling militias by international donors, primarily Italy. This 'anti-smuggling business' allows militia leaders to launder their reputations to avoid international sanctions and position themselves for a future political settlement. However, the authors contend that this strategy creates instability, as seen in the violent conflict in Sabratha, and risks worsening the abuse of migrants. The report advocates for a 'stability first' approach focused on genuine disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) rather than indiscriminate partnerships with armed groups.

The document examines the lack of transparency in the ICAO's creation of the CORSIA offsetting scheme, highlighting risks to the Paris Agreement and the EU ETS. It argues that ICAO's current practice of closed meetings and non-disclosure agreements contradicts its own rules of procedure and the obligations of 13 member states under the Aarhus Convention. The brief recommends broadening observer diversity, opening meetings to the public, and providing access to key regulatory documents to ensure the environmental integrity of aviation carbon offsets.

The authors contend that proposed loopholes in the EU's Effort Sharing Regulation—which covers over 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions—could allow member states to avoid real climate action between 2021 and 2030. They highlight a disconnect between national governments, such as those of Spain and Italy, and ambitious local authorities in cities like Gijón and Salerno, arguing that the EU must support urban-led mitigation efforts to achieve its climate commitments.

The document highlights the critical role of cities in meeting the EU's 2020 and 2030 climate targets, noting that urban areas deliver over a third of the 2020 target. It warns that national governments—specifically Poland, Italy, and Spain—are pushing for regulatory loopholes in the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) that could stifle local climate actions. The briefing provides case studies from Barcelona, Gijón, Niepolomice, Gdynia, Salerno, and Parma to demonstrate the effectiveness of local initiatives in transport, energy efficiency, and waste management, and recommends closing ESR loopholes to unlock these co-benefits.

The summer of 2017 saw extreme heat across Southern Europe, including the 'Lucifer' heat wave in early August. World Weather Attribution analysis indicates that human-induced climate change significantly increased the likelihood of these events. A summer as hot as 2017 is now estimated to have a 1 in 10 annual chance in the Euro-Mediterranean region and is projected to become normal weather by the middle of the century under continued greenhouse gas emissions.

The study concludes that anthropogenic climate change significantly increased the likelihood of the June 2017 heat event across Western Europe. Using observational data and multiple climate model ensembles, researchers found that such extreme heat is now more frequent, occurring every 10 to 30 years depending on the country. The risk ratio was highest in Portugal and Spain, where the probability of such heat increased by more than ten times due to global warming. The report also notes that under high-emission scenarios (RCP8.5), temperatures similar to June 2017 could become normal by the end of the century.

The author contends that Europe is vulnerable to 'foreign economic statecraft' because it lacks a unified investment screening mechanism. While Chinese investment in high-tech sectors has surged, often driven by state-owned enterprises and strategic plans like 'Made in China 2025', the EU relies on a fragmented 'hodgepodge' of national regimes. The document highlights failures in Germany's response to the acquisitions of Kuka and Aixtron as evidence of this helplessness. It proposes that the EU should adapt legislation to help Member States block dangerous mergers and create a common consultative body to 'Europeanise' national decision-making, citing the US CFIUS model as a gold standard for such oversight.

A coalition of environmental organizations calls on the Italian government to strengthen the EU's Effort Sharing Regulation by lowering the emission starting point, limiting the use of LULUCF and ETS credits, capping accumulated surpluses, and introducing periodic upward revisions of 2030 targets to align with the Paris Agreement.

The report outlines strategies to expand green finance by improving climate risk disclosure, streamlining international finance architecture to better support national and subnational levels, and utilizing innovative financial instruments to mobilize private capital. It emphasizes the critical need for bankable project pipelines, particularly for cities and conservation projects, and the importance of standardized data to align investment with the Paris Agreement and NDCs.

A joint letter from environmental organizations to Italian MEPs arguing that the European Commission's Effort Sharing Regulation proposal is inadequate and proposing specific amendments to reduce the carbon budget, limit the use of credits, and introduce periodic target reviews.

The author contends that the rise of right-wing populism, Brexit, and Donald Trump are symptoms of a deeper structural crisis of neoliberalism and globalisation that began in the 1970s. This crisis is characterized by financialisation, stagnant wages, and an ecological crisis. The author argues that the Right has successfully monopolised the idea of national sovereignty to appeal to disenfranchised masses, while the Left has mistakenly viewed the nation-state as obsolete. The document calls for a 'progressive vision of national sovereignty' based on democratic economic control and social justice, which would allow for a renewed form of international cooperation on global issues like climate change.

The author contends that Islamic State employs a strategy of provocation designed to trigger military escalation and social insecurity in Europe, which in turn fuels Islamophobia and recruitment. The document argues that orthodox security responses, which sacrifice personal freedoms for national security, actually support Islamic State's objectives by validating its narrative of Western aggression. It suggests that Islamic State is less coherent and powerful than portrayed, noting that its leadership includes pragmatic ex-Ba'ath Party officers and that many European attacks are 'outsourced' to individuals with limited organizational ties. The author advocates for a shift in policy where security is viewed as interdependent with civil liberties, arguing that bolstering the rights of minority communities and rejecting the 'clash of civilisations' narrative is the most effective way to delegitimize the group.

The document examines the application of the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive (UCPD) to corporate 'deforestation free' pledges, arguing that such commitments can be legally challenged if they are used in commercial practices to mislead consumers. It details the criteria for 'misleading' claims, the role of 'codes of conduct', and the enforcement mechanisms available in EU Member States.

CIEL opposes the EU's proposal for a Multilateral Investment Court (MIC), arguing that it merely improves the institutional aspects of dispute resolution without addressing the substantive treaty provisions that prioritize investor rights over the public interest. The document asserts that an MIC would entrench the flawed investor-state arbitration regime, potentially chilling government regulation on environment and health. CIEL recommends alternatives such as requiring the exhaustion of domestic remedies, limiting jurisdiction to uncompensated direct expropriation, and exploring the complete removal of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) in favor of state-state consultations or strengthened domestic courts.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.

The EU Climate Leader Board ranks EU member states on their support for the Effort Sharing Regulation across five categories: starting point, ETS surplus loophole, land use loophole, governance, and ambition level. Sweden ranks highest with a score of 67, while Malta ranks lowest with a score of 2. The analysis concludes that no EU country is currently doing enough to make the regulation compatible with the Paris Agreement.

The report examines the transition of the carpet industry toward a circular economy, focusing on the French and European markets. It finds that the vast majority of carpets end up in landfills or incinerators, with actual recycling rates for industry leaders like Interface and Desso being significantly lower than their public commitments. The document specifically highlights the 'scandal' of single-use carpets in the French events sector and provides recommendations for manufacturers, policymakers, and consumers to implement closed-loop systems and eco-design.

The report argues that the European Commission and various Member States are undermining the 2013 bans on four bee-harming pesticides, including neonicotinoids and fipronil, by exploiting a legal loophole for 'emergency authorisations'. Analysis of 62 notifications reveals that these authorisations are frequently granted without evidence of a genuine emergency, without considering alternative pest control methods, and are often driven by the pesticide and seed industry. The document highlights Romania as a primary example of this abuse, noting it granted one-third of all EU derogations for neonicotinoids between 2014 and 2016 despite evidence of bee colony losses and a lack of research into sustainable alternatives. The authors call for the Commission to increase transparency, systematically scrutinise notifications, and reject industry-led requests.

The author examines the conflict between 'inclusivist' and 'residualist' definitions of migrants. While the inclusivist view sees all people changing their country of residence as migrants, the residualist view—promoted by the UNHCR—treats migrants as a residual category of people who are not refugees. The author argues that the residualist approach creates a false dichotomy of 'two kinds of people' and may inadvertently harm those seeking protection by suggesting that only 'refugees' are worthy of compassion.

The Mauritius Convention on Transparency, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 10 December 2014, provides a mechanism for States to 'opt-in' to the UNCITRAL Rules on Transparency for arbitrations brought under investment treaties concluded before April 2014. The document highlights that investor-State arbitrations often involve public interests, including policies on nuclear or alternative energy, tobacco control, and the protection of drinking water, yet typically lack the openness of legal systems governed by the rule of law. By mandating the disclosure of documents and open hearings, the Convention aims to improve democratic participation, accountability, and the ability of governments to reform international economic governance. As of January 2017, Mauritius and Canada had ratified the Convention, while several other States had signed it.