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The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The authors examine the Patani conflict in Southern Thailand to illustrate how the 'jihadist' label can misinterpret local political struggles. They argue that while religion is a key motivating factor, it is intertwined with ethnic Malay identity and nationalistic goals of independence from the Thai state. The paper rejects the notion that the insurgency is driven by transnational Salafi-Jihadism or groups like ISIS, asserting instead that the conflict is driven by a 'nation-oriented' rationale rooted in local grievances and historical colonization.

The study analyzes 142 self-determination movements across 77 countries to determine the preventive effects of UNSC actions. It finds that direct diplomatic engagement significantly reduces the probability of armed conflict onset. Additionally, while direct force and sanctions show limited or positive correlations with conflict, indirect authorizations of force and sanctions—those applied in a broader regional or state-wide context—act as powerful deterrents, reducing the likelihood of civil war for related self-determination groups.

The authors examine the rise of Security Force Assistance (SFA)—the training and equipping of foreign armed forces—as a preferred alternative to large-scale combat deployments and expensive security sector reform. They argue that in fragile states, SFA often fails because providers misread local political dynamics, where ruling elites may manipulate security fragmentation for their own survival. The paper critiques the standard principal-agent theory of SFA, suggesting it lacks the nuance to account for the heterogeneity of programs and the lack of cohesiveness among multiple providers and recipients. Through various case studies, the authors highlight unintended consequences, such as the creation of elite units that serve as instruments for regime protection rather than national security.

The author replicates and extends the civil war model of Collier & Hoeffler (2002), finding that while natural resources correlate with conflict, the drivers differ by region. In the Middle East, the 'greed' explanation—where rebels fight to seize resources—is less plausible than a 'rentier-state' model, where oil-funded authoritarianism, corruption, and slow growth generate grievances. The study also finds that democracy is significantly and negatively related to civil conflict, a finding absent in the original Collier & Hoeffler analysis.

The document provides a comprehensive review of modern Just War theory, analyzing the criteria for entering war (jus ad bellum), conducting war (jus in bello), and ending war (jus post bellum). It highlights key tensions, such as the debate over humanitarian intervention, the morality of preventive war, and the 'moral equality of soldiers'—the question of whether combatants fighting an unjust war can still act justly in their conduct.

The authors examine the morality of coercive diplomacy, distinguishing between deterrent and compellent threats. They argue that while threats are less harmful than actual force, they are not morally neutral and must be assessed via just war principles including just cause, proportionality, legitimate authority, and right intention.

The report advocates for a 'solve for pattern' approach to global crises, using energy efficiency and renewable technologies as a model for broader resource management. It argues that the U.S. and other nations can achieve significant reductions in oil and electricity use through technical innovations like 'hypercars' and efficient lighting, which are often cheaper than expanding supply. The authors contend that these efficiencies can simultaneously improve economic health, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, slow nuclear proliferation by removing the need for civilian nuclear power, and enhance global security by reducing dependence on foreign oil.

The report critiques the U.S. reliance on military force and nuclear deterrence, arguing that such policies create instability and economic decay. It proposes a 'Security Without War' model centered on nonprovocative defense (NPD), where military forces are structured exclusively for defense to avoid provoking adversaries. The authors advocate for addressing the root causes of conflict through sustainable resource management, debt relief for the Third World, and the promotion of 'strong democracy'—characterized by minority protections and civil society—both domestically and abroad. The document also calls for the total international control and eventual disarmament of nuclear weapons, the strengthening of the United Nations and World Court, and the empowerment of municipal governments to conduct non-military foreign policies.

The research introduces a multidimensional index to measure socioeconomic vulnerability to COVID-19, incorporating macroeconomic exposure, healthcare coverage, financial inclusion, social protection, and gender inclusivity. Using data from 83 countries, the study finds that African nations are among the most vulnerable, with gender inequality acting as a primary driver. Regression analysis confirms that higher vulnerability scores and more stringent containment measures were associated with more significant per capita income losses in 2020. The author argues that pandemic response strategies must move away from 'one-size-fits-all' containment measures and instead prioritize gender inclusion, social protection, and financial inclusion to build resilience.

The Kuwait Energy Outlook analyzes the country's heavy reliance on oil and gas for power and desalination, projecting energy demand and supply to 2035. Under a Business-as-Usual scenario, the report finds that while Kuwait plans to increase natural gas and renewable energy in its power mix, per capita emissions and energy demand remain among the highest globally. The report highlights critical challenges in the transport sector, where unchecked growth in oil demand is projected, and in the buildings sector, where energy inefficiency persists. It recommends the establishment of a 'National Champion' to coordinate energy strategy, the implementation of pricing reforms to reduce subsidies, and the improvement of national energy data collection.

The WICER project addresses Iraq's water security challenges caused by climate change, conflict, and environmental degradation. It employs three workstreams: resilient water management in the Al-Udhym basin, market-based urban circularity for sanitation and resource recovery, and the exploration of rural circularity through nature-based solutions. The project aims to build local capacity and develop viable business models and policies to ensure long-term water resilience.

The document presents two tables detailing the use of chemical weapons. The first table covers World War I (1914-1918), listing agents such as chlorine, phosgene, and mustard gas, with total casualties estimated at 1,240,000 and approximately 88,500 deaths. The second table lists more recent uses of nerve agents like sarin and tabun in Iraq and Syria, including the 1984-onwards Iran-Iraq conflict and the 2013 Ghouta attack.