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The report analyzes the sustainability-linked bond (SLB) market, finding that while it is diversifying, a high share of deals lack ambition and credibility. Key issues include partial GHG scope coverage, a lack of science-based targets, and poor post-issuance reporting. The report introduces the Climate Bonds SLB Database (SLBDB) to identify aligned deals and provides a best-practice checklist for issuers, emphasizing the need for material KPIs, transparent transition plans, and robust financial penalties.

The document argues that treating wood burning as renewable energy has led to forest degradation, high CO2 emissions, and public health risks. It outlines the legal requirements of RED III and urges Member States to use their discretion to phase out biomass subsidies, implement the cascading principle, and adopt stricter sustainability criteria to protect European forests and the climate.

The Europe Gas Tracker Report 2024 finds that Europe is continuing a massive gas infrastructure buildout despite emerging from its energy crisis and seeing a decline in gas demand. With €84.1 billion in planned LNG terminals and pipelines, the report argues that the region is creating significant overcapacity and risking stranded assets. It further warns that these projects could increase annual emissions by up to 1.1 gigatonnes CO2e, undermining the EU's 'Fit for 55' goals. Additionally, the report characterizes the proposed 35,000 km hydrogen pipeline network as a 'red herring' that may serve to lock in methane gas infrastructure due to technical incompatibilities and the lack of green hydrogen production.

The report outlines a methodological framework for evaluating infrastructure in the Shymkent–Tashkent–Khujand economic corridor, comparing 'business-as-usual' scenarios with sustainable alternatives for transport and buildings. It proposes shifting from road-based freight to electrified rail and adopting green building standards to reduce CO2 emissions, lower operational costs, and improve health and employment outcomes. The assessment utilizes the SAVi methodology to integrate externalities, such as the social cost of carbon and health impacts, into a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis.

The EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) is a cap-and-trade mechanism designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the power, heavy industry, aviation, and maritime sectors by pricing pollution. It operates by setting a decreasing cap on total emissions, divided into EU Allowances (EUAs), which companies can trade or buy at auction. While the system has raised over €152 billion since 2005, its effectiveness has been historically hampered by an oversupply of permits and the extensive use of free allocations to prevent 'carbon leakage'. A separate system, ETS2, will be introduced in 2027 to cover buildings and road transport. The document highlights concerns regarding the environmental integrity of the current cap relative to the EU's carbon budget and the lack of transparency in how member states spend auction revenues.

The author examines the "end of development" narrative—the idea that income gaps between developed and developing nations may never close—and its implications for Africa. The text highlights a decline in traditional aid from the UK, EU, and Canada, alongside a drop in Chinese infrastructure loans. It identifies critical gaps in infrastructure ($68-$108 billion annually) and climate adaptation ($453 billion this decade). To counter this, the author urges the African Union to reduce aid dependency, prioritize the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and improve the bankability of projects to attract investment rather than relying on dwindling global generosity.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

Reclaim Finance accuses the French government of attempting to undermine the European Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive. The organization claims that France, via Bruno Le Maire, is demanding the company size threshold be raised from 500 employees to 5,000 employees, which would exempt approximately 14,000 companies from the requirement to prevent human rights violations and environmental pollution in their value chains.

The statement warns that a December agreement on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is at risk due to lobbying and potential abstention by Germany during the Council of the European Union vote. While the authors view the text as a major step for regulating multinationals, they criticize the exclusion of financial services from its scope and call for the French government to ensure its adoption to protect human rights and the environment.

NGOs warn that the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is at risk of being blocked in the European Council due to pressure from corporate lobby groups and internal divisions within the German government. While the authors argue the directive is a necessary step for regulating multinationals, they criticize the exclusion of financial services from its scope.

The report provides a detailed market assessment of the refining industry in four key regions, analyzing the transition from traditional crude-based products to low-carbon alternatives like SAF, green ammonia, and e-methanol, while evaluating the impact of regional climate policies.

The document examines the Global Shield (GS) and other climate insurance initiatives in Africa, arguing that they are insufficient substitutes for a well-funded Loss and Damage Fund (LDF). It highlights systemic failures in parametric insurance, such as 'basis risk' and the inability of poor populations to afford premiums, while critiquing the technocratic and paternalistic nature of these schemes. The authors conclude that insurance should only be a complementary tool, and that equitable climate finance must be based on historic emissions rather than market-based premiums.

The author contends that current climate policies are failing because they lack redistributive measures and ignore carbon inequalities, which in turn fuels right-wing populism. The text proposes a 'third way' based on post-growth economics and a 'green-red alliance' that integrates social justice with environmental goals. A central practical solution highlighted is the promotion of energy communities—non-profit entities that democratize energy production and provide affordable, clean energy to vulnerable households. The document calls for a radical acceleration of emission reductions, aiming for carbon neutrality by the mid-2030s and a negative carbon balance by the 2040s, funded by taxing high polluters and redirecting fossil fuel subsidies.

In 2023, EU fossil fuel generation fell to less than a third of the electricity mix (33%) for the first time, driven by a record 26% drop in coal generation. Wind and solar combined for 27% of EU electricity, with wind surpassing gas power for the first time. While solar capacity grew by 56 GW, wind generation growth remains inconsistent and below the 15% annual increase needed for REPowerEU targets. EU electricity demand fell by 3.4% in 2023 to its lowest level since 2001, though a rise of 2-3% is projected for 2024. To support this transition, the EU requires significant grid investments—estimated at €584 billion by 2030—and an increase in storage capacity to 200 GW by 2030 to manage variable renewable energy and reduce curtailment.

The document argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is essential for Europe to reach net-zero emissions by 2050, particularly for hard-to-abate industrial sectors like cement and steel. It details the technical processes of capture and geological storage, asserts that leakage risks are extremely low, and outlines current project developments in the North Sea region and across the EU. The text also addresses the economic viability of CCS, noting that while costs vary by industry, the technology is often the lowest-cost path for specific industrial decarbonisation and carbon dioxide removal (CDR).

The authors identify a category of 'risks of response' where climate policies trigger security dynamics, exemplified by widespread farmer protests across Europe. These protests, driven by grievances over fuel subsidies and environmental regulations, have escalated into violence and provided opportunities for far-right parties to foment instability. The text warns that this 'green backlash' could slow the transition and increase global security risks if not managed with better risk assessments and ameliorating measures.

The document argues that large-scale deployment of CCS is essential for Europe to reach climate neutrality by 2050, yet current draft NECPs show significant gaps in targets and planning. It provides a framework for Member States to assess storage capacity, map projects, engage stakeholders, and establish financing and regional cooperation for CO2 transport and storage networks.

The document argues that clean hydrogen should be treated as a 'precious molecule' and prioritised for 'no regrets' hard-to-abate industrial sectors rather than being deployed indiscriminately. It recommends that EU Member States move beyond a sole focus on renewable ('green') hydrogen to include other low-carbon pathways, such as nuclear ('pink') and natural gas with carbon capture ('blue'), to avoid resource constraints. The guide emphasises locating production close to end-users to minimise transport inefficiencies and suggests that hydrogen in transport be limited to heavy-duty trucking, aviation, and shipping, while light-duty vehicles should prioritise electrification. Finally, it advises leveraging EU and national support mechanisms to fund 'champion' projects across the entire value chain.

The document argues that superhot rock (SHR) energy—a subset of Engineered Geothermal Systems that accesses rock temperatures exceeding 400°C—could provide a zero-carbon, firm, and energy-dense power source available globally. It notes a significant gap in current EU planning, where only one country (Italy) mentions SHR in its draft NECP, despite 20 countries planning for geothermal energy. The guide recommends that Member States fund pilot demonstrations, map national SHR resources, contribute to a centralised EU geothermal data repository, develop national geothermal strategies, and create stakeholder collaboration platforms. It highlights that SHR systems can potentially produce up to ten times the energy of conventional geothermal wells and could support the production of clean hydrogen.