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The production of basic materials accounts for approximately 25% of global CO2 emissions and 16% of EU GHG emissions. While industry commitment to carbon neutrality by 2050 is growing, current innovation funds and carbon pricing are insufficient to make climate-friendly technologies commercially viable. The Climate Friendly Material Platform proposes a policy package including a 'Climate Contribution' as an alternative to Border Tax Adjustments, Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCFDS), Contracts for Difference for Renewables, Green Public Procurement (GPP), and Product Carbon Requirements to stimulate investment and prevent the relocation of production to regions with less stringent climate policies.

The GCF Secretariat report for the period ending 31 August 2019 details progress toward its 2019 goals. Key achievements include the approval of 66 additional funding proposals (public and private) and the signing of 81 Funded Activity Agreements (FAAs), meeting the annual KPI for legal agreements. The Secretariat advanced the first formal replenishment process, with pledges reaching USD 5.9 billion by August 2019. Efforts to strengthen country ownership included technical support for 32 countries' programming and the approval of 61 readiness grants. The report also highlights the development of the 2020–2023 Strategic Plan and the operationalization of a complementarity and coherence framework with other climate funds like the GEF and Adaptation Fund. Challenges remain in the slow disbursement of readiness funds due to delivery partner capacity and the need for further expertise to implement the SEAH Policy.

The German Green Party has experienced a significant rise in support, surpassing the Social Democrats (SPD) in the 2019 European elections and becoming a leading force in German politics. This momentum is attributed to the party's transition from an anti-establishment movement to a 'responsible political actor' capable of governing, as evidenced by its presence in nine regional governments. The party's success is further driven by the leadership of Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock, who have moved beyond internal ideological divides to embrace 'radical realism'—a strategy that bridges contradictions between economy and ecology. This shift coincides with a broader restructuring of the German political landscape, where traditional 'Volksparteien' (people's parties) like the CDU and SPD are losing influence as society becomes more individualised and climate change becomes a primary public concern.

The document asserts that carbon border taxes must be contingent on the removal of free pollution permits under the EU ETS to avoid double-protecting industry and to provide a real incentive for emissions reductions. It argues that carbon leakage is not evidenced and that free allocations have historically functioned as subsidies. The author suggests that border measures should be temporary, non-protectionist, and complementary to global climate policies, while advocating for the use of enforceable environmental chapters in trade agreements to drive global ambition.

Following the 2019 European elections, Europe Écologie Les Verts (EELV) emerged as a significant independent force in France, securing 13.5% of the vote. The author argues that the party's success was driven by its refusal to merge into a united left-wing list and the influence of widespread climate protests. The text contrasts the Greens' approach with 'neo-populism'—seen in the Rassemblement National (RN) and La France Insoumise (LFI)—which the author claims is ill-suited for democratic self-organisation. The document concludes that a modern French left must be built around political ecology, integrating social justice with a responsibility toward nature and future generations.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The report finds that the production of fishmeal and fish oil (FMFO) for aquaculture is driving the collapse of fish stocks and compromising food security in India, Vietnam, and The Gambia. It establishes links between these unsustainable practices and major European retailers and aquafeed companies, arguing that current certification by the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO) acts as a 'sustainability smokescreen'. The document recommends a total phase-out of wild-caught fish in aquafeed in favor of sustainable alternatives and a shift toward farming omnivorous or herbivorous species.

The report argues that the production of fish meal and fish oil (FMFO) for aquaculture is precipitating the collapse of fish populations and threatening food security in regions like India, Vietnam, and Gambia. It maps supply chains linking unsustainable and often illegal fishing practices to major European retailers and global aquafeed companies, while critiquing the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO) for providing a 'smoke screen' of sustainability through its certifications. The document recommends a transition away from wild-caught fish in aquafeeds toward sustainable alternatives and the cultivation of species that do not require FMFO.

The report argues that the production of fishmeal and fish oil (FMFO) for aquaculture is precipitating the collapse of fish stocks and compromising food security in the Global South. Investigations in India, Vietnam, and The Gambia reveal rampant illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing, including the capture of juvenile fish and the use of illegal nets. The report establishes links between these unsustainable practices and major European aquafeed companies and retailers. It further critiques the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO) certification as a 'sustainability smokescreen' and warns that the industry's reliance on finite wild-fish resources poses a systemic risk to the aquaculture sector's long-term viability.

The document argues that while governments hold primary responsibility for climate policy, central banks and financial regulators (CBFRs) should actively use their powers to 'green' the financial system. It identifies systemic risks from 'brown' assets and the 'tragedy of the horizons,' where short-term financial metrics undervalue long-term climate risks. The briefing proposes a comprehensive toolkit for CBFRs, including the creation of a 'brown taxonomy,' mandatory climate disclosures, and the adjustment of risk-weightings and collateral haircuts to penalize carbon-intensive assets and reward green ones. It also suggests reforming quantitative easing (QE) and reserve management to move away from 'market neutrality' toward a model that supports sustainable investment.

The report finds that France significantly delayed the implementation of reporting requirements for the landing obligation until 2019 and failed to sanction any infringements in 2017 and 2018. It highlights a lack of effective enforcement at sea and suggests that the adoption of Remote Electronic Monitoring (REM) is a necessary step to improve data reliability and compliance.

The report argues that current carbon pricing and innovation funds are insufficient to transform the basic materials sector. It proposes a five-part policy package: a Climate Contribution to ensure full carbon cost internalisation, project-based Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) to hedge investment risks, Contracts for Difference (CfDs) for renewables to lower electricity costs, Green Public Procurement (GPP) to create lead markets, and long-term Product Carbon Requirements to phase out carbon-intensive materials.

The document categorises natural capital tools into six technical groups: biodiversity footprint, mapping, qualitative/quantitative, monetary, absolute ecological performance, and integrated accounting. It distinguishes between tools oriented toward economic performance (utilitarian interests) and those oriented toward ecological performance (strong sustainability), advocating for the latter to ensure activities remain within planetary boundaries.

The report argues that austerity—defined as fiscal policy aimed at solving debt and growth problems through spending cuts and regressive taxes—leads to economic deterioration, rising unemployment, and increased inequality. It highlights that South Africa is deepening its implementation of austerity despite moderate debt levels compared to international norms. The author contends that these policies undermine constitutionally enshrined rights to health and education and proposes a shift toward a stimulus-based fiscal plan focused on progressive taxation and structural transformation.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

IKEA aims to become climate positive across its value chain by 2030. The Ingka Group has set science-based targets to reduce absolute scope 1 and 2 emissions by 80% by 2030 and relative scope 3 emissions from travel and deliveries by 50%. The company is transitioning to 100% renewable energy in its buildings by 2020 and zero-emission last-mile deliveries by 2025. IKEA is also implementing circular economy principles, targeting 100% renewable or recycled materials for all products by 2030 and phasing out single-use plastics by 2020.

The document is a formal petition by sixteen children from various countries against five states, alleging that their failure to mitigate climate change violates the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It details specific harms faced by the petitioners—including extreme heat, wildfires, and sea-level rise—and argues that the respondents' current emission pathways are inconsistent with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. The petitioners request that the Committee recognize climate change as a children's rights crisis and recommend that the respondent states accelerate mitigation efforts and prioritize the best interests of children.

The document argues that while NDCs (short-to-medium term commitments) and LTSs (mid-century visions) serve different legal and functional roles, they should be developed synergistically. Aligning them prevents the 'lock-in' of carbon-intensive infrastructure and reduces administrative costs by sharing data, modeling, and stakeholder consultations. The authors suggest that ideally, an LTS should inform the NDC, though they provide options for countries developing both in parallel or those updating NDCs without a formal LTS.

The briefing outlines three critical objectives for national leaders at the 2019 UN Climate Action Summit to align global efforts with the 1.5 degrees C warming limit. First, leaders are urged to pledge net-zero emissions by 2050, following examples like Suriname and Bhutan. Second, they must prepare to submit more ambitious nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement in 2020. Third, the document calls for a shift from 'brown' to 'green' financing, specifically halting coal plant funding and increasing contributions to the Green Climate Fund to support developing nations. The text emphasizes that investing $1.8 trillion in climate resilience from 2020 to 2030 could yield $7.1 trillion in net benefits.

The research identifies 66 carbon pricing policies globally, categorising adopting polities into five clusters: early adopters, North-American states and provinces, Chinese pilot provinces, second-wave developed polities, and second-wave developing polities. The authors conclude that there is no 'one-size-fits-all' approach to promoting carbon pricing, as different economic, political, and policy variables drive adoption across different clusters. However, they identify general facilitators, including economic crises, UNFCCC commitments, regional learning, and a preference for emissions trading in carbon-intensive economies.