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The We Mean Business Coalition's 'Fossil to Clean' campaign provides a framework for phasing out fossil fuels by 2040. It outlines specific requirements for demand-side companies to end unabated fossil fuel use, for producers to cease new exploration and reach near-zero methane emissions by 2030, for financial institutions to halt new fossil fuel funding, and for governments to decarbonize power systems by 2035-2040.

Reclaim Finance argues that the EU's climate targets cannot be met without a massive mobilization of private finance, which currently favors fossil fuels over sustainable energy. The organization proposes four key interventions: mandating a 6:1 clean energy to fossil fuel investment ratio by 2030, requiring robust and audited climate transition plans, applying the "do not significantly harm" principle to all financial services, and implementing preferential ECB refinancing rates for sustainable activities.

Canada's current electricity grid is 84 per cent non-emitting, providing a competitive advantage for low-carbon industrial production. To maintain this lead and meet the G7 goal of a net zero grid by 2035, the federal government has introduced the Clean Electricity Regulations and investment tax credits covering 15 to 30 per cent of project costs. While some provinces like Alberta have resisted these measures, the document notes that wind and solar are already cheaper than natural gas in Alberta and Ontario. The transition is expected to reduce household energy costs through technologies like heat pumps and electric vehicles while insulating the economy from fossil fuel price volatility.

The document argues that while harmonizing all border carbon adjustments (BCAs) is impossible due to diverse national carbon pricing methods, international cooperation is essential to manage the proliferation of these instruments. It highlights that a diversity of BCAs increases uncertainty and administrative burdens for traders in sectors like steel, aluminum, cement, and fertilizers, which are critical for the export revenues of many developing countries. The brief suggests that strategic international discussion is a necessary alternative to trade disputes within the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement system.

Carbon Market Watch argues that climate neutrality plans (CNPs) for high-emitting installations must be transparent, standardized, and subject to rigorous assessment criteria to prevent them from becoming a mere formality for receiving free emission allowances. The organization advocates for the mandatory use of a common electronic template to ensure comparability across Member States and calls for the public disclosure of these plans under the Aarhus Convention to ensure accountability for big polluters.

The document is divided into two main sections: a report on regulatory developments in Canada, Ireland, the UK, and the US regarding online streaming, safety codes, advertising, and AI; and a snapshot of literature on climate disinformation. The latter highlights the shift from outright climate denial to 'delay discourses' and 'culture wars' frames, the role of fossil fuel interests in seeding misinformation, and the impact of fringe websites and algorithmic amplification on digital platforms.

The document analyzes the 'structural disjuncture' between the European Union's bilateral approach to international relations and the BRICS bloc's pursuit of an inclusive, South-South multilateral model. It argues that BRICS challenges the EU's historical hegemony in global governance, economic power, and trade policies. While the Russia-Ukraine war has further polarized the EU and BRICS, the author suggests opportunities for cooperation on the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and the energy transition.

The 2023 Zimbabwean general election is framed as a high-stakes contest between incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa (ZANU-PF) and Nelson Chamisa (CCC), with significant implications for the country's democratic legitimacy and its ability to re-engage with Western nations. The author notes a decline in voter intention and female candidacy compared to 2018, alongside an electoral environment skewed in favor of the ruling party through control of state institutions and exclusionary financial barriers. Internationally, the election is viewed as a test of Zimbabwe's willingness to return to democratic norms, which is critical for debt clearance processes and the export of strategic minerals like lithium essential for the global energy transition.

The submission argues that the draft SAREM over-relies on private investment and fails to sufficiently address the impact of the global supply chain crisis on renewable energy costs. It advocates for a state-led industrial policy, including the use of import tariffs and the central role of Eskom in renewable generation, to avoid 'boom-bust' cycles and ensure a just transition for workers. Key recommendations include establishing a 'decent work' framework, implementing aggressive local content requirements (suggesting 50% for future RFPs), and creating a technology transfer system to support local manufacturing.

Ember critiques the TYNDP 2024 storylines for having low electrification levels and unrealistic fossil fuel price projections. The organization argues that the 'Green Ambition' (GA) and 'Distributed Energy' (DE) scenarios are not fully self-consistent and fail to align with 1.5C pathways. Ember recommends introducing a higher-ambition scenario with at least 90% emissions reduction by 2040 and urges the removal of fossil methane from heating and transport by 2050.

Ember argues that new coal facilities entering the Safeguard Mechanism should be held to a net zero emissions intensity baseline to align with 1.5 degree climate pathways. While supporting the proposed production variable of 0.0653 CO2-e per tonne of run-of-mine coal for driving reductions in high-intensity underground mines, Ember warns that open-cut mines may receive windfall Safeguard Mechanism Credits (SMCs) without performing genuine abatement due to outdated emissions reporting factors.

The authors suggest that Europe can accelerate its energy transition by adopting four principles from U.S. policies like the Inflation Reduction Act: supporting a diverse technology mix, tailoring support to development stages, addressing non-cost barriers, and providing policy clarity. Specifically, the document recommends expanding support beyond wind and solar to include nuclear, carbon capture, and zero-carbon fuels, while reducing regulatory complexity and permitting delays that currently hinder project deployment.

The report serves as a preliminary synthesis of the CASCADES project's WP3, combining quantitative models and qualitative stakeholder analysis to explore how climate change impacts trade-linked systems. It specifically examines food systems, soy supply chains, and energy transition minerals to understand how climate triggers interact with supply chain actors and the policy landscape to affect EU climate resilience.

The document is a joint letter from thirteen environmental and energy organisations urging President von der Leyen to prioritise the reduction of global methane emissions in her final State of the Union address. The authors argue that methane is a critical but overlooked climate threat, being over 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide over a 20-year period and responsible for nearly half of the current net global temperature increase. They specifically call for the adoption of an ambitious EU Methane Regulation by the end of the legislative term to address emissions from the oil, gas, and coal sectors, as well as accelerated progress toward the Global Methane Pledge.

The document examines the challenges of implementing border carbon adjustments (BCAs), focusing on the need for international cooperation to standardize embedded emissions calculations, determine geographical exemptions, establish credits for foreign climate policies, and decide on the use of revenues. It evaluates various multilateral, regional, and bilateral venues for these discussions, noting that while the WTO is a primary site of tension, substantial multilateral progress is currently lacking.

The report outlines the development of certification criteria for hydrogen assets, focusing on carbon intensity benchmarks, life-cycle assessment methodologies, and climate resilience requirements to align investments with the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal.

A joint response from eleven NGOs arguing that the EU has failed to meet binding obligations to end overfishing and wasteful discarding. The document calls for Total Allowable Catches (TACs) to be set at or below scientific advice, the implementation of Remote Electronic Monitoring (REM) to enforce the landing obligation, and the integration of climate adaptation and ecosystem-based approaches into fisheries management.

The report details how methane accelerates global warming and degrades air quality by forming tropospheric ozone, leading to significant respiratory and cardiovascular morbidity. It identifies the agricultural (over 40%), energy (35%), and waste (20%) sectors as the primary sources of anthropogenic methane. The document argues that rapid methane reduction can provide immediate health benefits, potentially avoiding 255,000 deaths and 775,000 emergency room visits for asthma annually through available mitigation measures.

The report analyzes South Africa's Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) using a 'two-level game' framework to examine the interaction between international diplomacy and domestic politics. While the JETP provided a country-led platform to articulate financial needs and accelerated conversations on NDC implementation, it has faced significant hurdles. These include a lack of transparency from the International Partners Group (IPG), a contested domestic political landscape characterized by ministerial 'turf wars', and a financial package heavily weighted toward loans rather than grants. The study highlights that the JETP's success depends on South Africa's ability to build institutional capacity and deliver on implementation to maintain international credibility, while the IPG must provide more transparent and justice-oriented funding.

The document analyzes border carbon adjustments (BCA) as tools to prevent carbon leakage and support domestic carbon pricing. It details a 'decision tree' of design options, including trade flow coverage, geographic exemptions, emission scopes (Scope 1, 2, and 3), and methods for calculating embedded emissions. The brief highlights the tension between environmental objectives and industrial protectionism, noting that fragmented national BCA regimes could create a 'spaghetti bowl' of conflicting requirements that increase administrative burdens for exporters and strain international trade and climate cooperation.