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The report argues that G20 countries are locked into oil and gas systems due to economic, geopolitical, and institutional factors, despite climate commitments. It highlights a contradiction where G20 nations are on track to produce and consume more than twice the fossil fuels permitted under a 1.5°C pathway. The document analyzes the role of National Oil Companies (NOCs), the limitations of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and the regressive nature of fossil fuel subsidies. It proposes a 'Just Transition Taxonomy' to ensure the phase-out protects workers and marginalized communities, particularly in the Global South, and recommends legislating national phase-out plans and redirecting subsidies toward renewable energy.

The document examines food price volatility in South Africa, attributing it to climate change, global shocks, and corporate market concentration. It proposes a phased implementation of public buffer stocks—beginning with white maize and expanding to wheat and indigenous grains—to protect vulnerable households and support smallholder farmers. The authors suggest that such a system, if governed transparently and linked to agroecological practices, could eventually integrate into a regional SADC mechanism to strengthen food sovereignty across Southern Africa.

The report finds that while CETP signatories have significantly reduced international public finance for fossil fuels, this has not been matched by a corresponding increase in clean energy support. It highlights ongoing policy violations by several high-income countries and the risk of backsliding due to political shifts, particularly the United States' exit from the partnership in February 2025. The authors recommend a joint quantitative target of at least USD 42 billion per year for clean energy in emerging markets and developing economies by 2026.

The report advocates for 24/7 Carbon-Free Energy (CFE) as a mechanism to ensure a just energy transition. By requiring corporations to match their electricity consumption with carbon-free generation on an hourly and local basis, 24/7 CFE incentivizes a diverse portfolio of energy resources beyond just wind and solar, including next-generation 'clean firm' technologies. This approach is presented as a way to create high-quality, permanent jobs for dislocated fossil fuel workers, reduce local air pollution, and enhance grid resilience. The document aligns 24/7 CFE with the G20's Just and Inclusive Energy Transition (JIET) Compact and provides best practices for corporate buyers to maximize social and economic benefits through community engagement and equitable hiring.

The document identifies significant variability in the quality of Estonian school meals and highlights systemic issues including insufficient funding, low professional prestige for school cooks, and regulatory barriers to using local, seasonal produce. It advocates for a national vision of sustainable school meals based on ten elements—including health, affordability, and planetary boundaries—and introduces the 'Whole School Food Culture' framework to integrate nutrition into education. Key recommendations include increasing state funding in line with inflation, establishing national minimum criteria for procurement to reduce regional inequality, and ensuring daily plant-based options for all students.

The document examines the proliferation of trade-climate measures and the resulting risks of trade barriers and disadvantages for developing countries. It proposes a multi-level approach to cooperation at the WTO, ranging from high-level legal principles and good regulatory practices to specific design features and technical interoperability of carbon accounting.

The document examines the 'twin transition' of digital and green transformations, highlighting how digital technologies can both enable climate action and contribute significantly to global greenhouse gas emissions. It identifies critical gaps in infrastructure and financing for developing countries and proposes five priority decarbonization levers: green infrastructure, energy-efficient operations, sustainable supply chains, circular economy models, and climate-compatible infrastructure. The authors argue for coordinated international cooperation, targeted financial incentives, and the integration of environmental provisions into digital trade agreements to ensure an inclusive transition to net zero.

The document analyzes the shift in international trade from a focus on liberalization toward 'multipurpose' approaches driven by geopolitics and national security. It argues that this complexity provides opportunities to embed nature and climate goals into trade agendas. The author proposes a new paradigm that reframes trade as a strategic tool for sustainability, emphasizing a 'nature-positive' narrative and the integration of climate mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. Key recommendations include reorienting trade rules to reward sustainable production, scaling the diffusion of green technologies, and ensuring that developing countries are not unfairly burdened by environmental requirements. The paper identifies multiple entry points for action, including WTO reform, regional agreements like AfCFTA, and the implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of how the transition to net-zero emissions affects nine global sectors: agriculture, carbon markets, critical minerals, digital transformation, energy transition, fisheries, heavy industries, shipping, and textiles and garments. It examines the intersection of trade policies and climate action, highlighting the risks of 'green protectionism' and the potential for developing countries to capture new economic opportunities through value addition and green industrialization. The reports emphasize the need for international cooperation to ensure a just transition, particularly for least developed countries (LDCs) and small island developing states (SIDS).

Deforestation in the Congo Basin risks reducing regional rainfall by up to 40%, which could lead to cumulative cocoa yield losses of 3.06 million tonnes across nine African countries by 2050. This supply shock is projected to drive cocoa prices to USD 68.1 per kilogram by 2050, with deforestation accounting for 40.2% of that price. EU importers could face cumulative additional costs of USD 256 billion by 2050. The report argues that investing in forest conservation, particularly community-led restoration, is more cost-effective than inaction, offering avoided costs of USD 1.8 to USD 6 for every dollar invested.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2025 finds that while net zero target-setting continues to rise among companies and subnational governments, national-level coverage has dipped due to the US formally abandoning its target. Target integrity remains low, with only a small fraction of entities meeting minimum procedural and substantive requirements. The report also highlights a concerning corporate reliance on nature-based removals and offsets, which often lack transparency and durability.

The submission argues that South Africa's draft second NDC lacks sufficient ambition and fails to reflect the 'highest possible ambition' required by the Paris Agreement. It proposes more stringent emission targets—350 Mt CO2e for 2025-2030 and 248 Mt CO2e for 2031-2035—based on 'fair share' calculations and the best available science. The document highlights legal risks under the South African Constitution, the Climate Change Act, and NEMA, while criticizing the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment (DFFE) for a non-transparent process that delayed the release of the underlying technical report. It further calls for a stronger focus on phasing out fossil fuels, enhancing climate adaptation for vulnerable groups, and incorporating climate justice principles from the Presidential Climate Commission's recommendations.

The statement argues that current scientific advice for fishing limits is insufficient for ecosystem recovery and that the EU has failed its legal obligations to end overfishing and achieve Good Environmental Status. It calls for catch limits to be set significantly below maximum scientific advice, particularly for forage fish and mixed fisheries, to safeguard marine biodiversity and resilience against climate change.

Indonesia is the world's sixth largest methane emitter, yet investment in methane reduction remains critically low, with only USD 1.5 billion received against an estimated USD 2.5 trillion needed for the Agriculture and Waste sectors. The author proposes that the upcoming TKBI Version 3 (expected Q1 2026) should include granular technical screening criteria (TSC) for high-impact activities—such as leak detection and repair in fossil fuels, alternate wetting and drying in rice paddies, and anaerobic digestion in waste management—to make these projects bankable for private investors. By aligning with global benchmarks like the EU Taxonomy and the Singapore-Asia Taxonomy, Indonesia can pre-emptively meet international requirements, such as the 2024 EU Methane Regulation, and mobilize capital through its sustainable finance framework.

The briefing evaluates the draft second NDC from the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment (DFFE) and the recommendations from the Presidential Climate Commission (PCC), arguing that the DFFE's targets lack sufficient ambition and scientific justification compared to the PCC's evidence-based approach.

A coalition of NGOs calls on the UK Minister for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs to adopt a precautionary approach to 2026 fishing limit negotiations with the EU. The letter argues that current scientific advice is insufficient for ecosystem recovery and that the UK is failing to meet Good Environmental Status (GES) targets, with 13 out of 15 indicators not met in 2025. The authors recommend setting catch limits well below ICES single-stock advice, respecting a 5% risk limit for stock decline, and increasing transparency in negotiations.

Reclaim Finance critiques the European Commission's June 2025 proposal to boost the EU securitization framework under the 'savings and investments union' (SIU) strategy. The organization argues that securitization plays a marginal role in financing the economy and, without strict requirements, may increase funding for fossil fuels and polluting activities while hiding ESG risks. Reclaim Finance proposes banning fossil fuel securitization, increasing transparency on harmful assets, and requiring ESG risk management guidelines.

The document defines green industrial policy as government strategies to develop sustainable industries, such as renewable energy and green steel, while phasing out polluting sectors. It highlights that fossil fuel subsidies, which reached $7 trillion worldwide in 2022, hinder the competitiveness of renewables. While countries like China, the US, and EU members have successfully used national policies to boost green tech, developing nations face barriers including limited financing, skills shortages, and intellectual property restrictions. The author argues that the G20 must ensure a just transition by promoting technology transfer, fair trade, and the creation of decent work, while avoiding policies like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism that may penalise carbon-intensive developing economies.

Carbon Market Watch argues against scrapping the CBAM despite industry complaints about administrative complexity, suggesting instead that the EU quantify actual carbon leakage and circumvention risks before expanding the mechanism to downstream products. The organization emphasizes that complementary EU policies like the Digital Product Passport and international standards can mitigate administrative burdens. It further recommends providing special treatment for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS) to align with UNFCCC principles.

The statement contends that current global trade frameworks often undermine the climate ambitions of developing nations through protectionist policies and geopolitical self-interest. It highlights the negative potential of the EU's Carbon-Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the limitations of the International Maritime Organization's shipping emissions tax. The author advocates for the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and regional coalitions as viable alternatives to a 'broken' World Trade Organization (WTO) to foster green industrialization, technology transfer, and climate adaptation, specifically citing Mozambique's vulnerability as a case for adaptation-focused trade policy.