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The China-Africa Toolkit analyzes the evolution of China's relations with Africa, focusing on trade, investment, and development cooperation. It details the shift from ideological support to economic pragmatism, the role of the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the specific financial instruments used by Beijing, such as the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals.

The document analyzes the bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, noting a shift in strategy following the transition from President Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It argues that the 'oil for infrastructure' model failed due to Nigeria's electoral cycle and governance issues, leading China to adopt a lower-risk strategy of purchasing established oil companies. Despite political volatility, Chinese multinational companies continue to expand their market share in Nigeria's construction, telecommunications, and power sectors due to competitive pricing and access to state-backed credit.

The research paper argues that good governance is a prerequisite for economic development and that African universities are essential for producing competent governors. However, it finds that these institutions are plagued by declining resources, outdated curricula, and political interference. The author suggests a shift toward regional cooperation, distance learning, and the adoption of an 'African agenda' to overcome national resource constraints and improve the relevance of governance education.

The document reports that pastoral communities in Ethiopia's Borana and Somali zones are facing unprecedented climate variability, including increasing temperatures and drought frequency, which are rendering traditional coping strategies ineffective. It identifies significant barriers to adaptation, such as land degradation, resource conflicts, and limited access to information and financial services. The brief recommends that the Ethiopian government protect pastoral land, improve weather information sharing, and enhance social safety nets. It advises civil society to integrate climate projections into programming and leverage traditional knowledge, while urging international donors to provide funding flexibility for climate emergencies.

The report assesses the vulnerability of pastoral and agro-pastoral communities in Ethiopia's Borana and Shinile zones, highlighting that recurrent droughts and increasing temperatures are rendering traditional coping strategies ineffective. While communities suggest diversifying livestock and livelihoods, their adaptive capacity is constrained by land degradation, conflict, and limited access to services. The study recommends that the Ethiopian government and international donors prioritize pastoral land protection, improve climate information sharing, and support community-led adaptation strategies.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on July 14, 2009, which assessed the instability in eastern DRC. Key discussions focused on the role of armed groups like the FDLR and CNDP, the effectiveness of military operations such as Kimia II and Umoja Wetu, and the normalization of relations between the DRC and Rwanda. The seminar highlighted systemic challenges including a weak national army, land tenure disputes, corruption, and the limitations of MONUC's bureaucratic structure and troop levels. Recommendations emphasized strengthening democratic processes, building army capacity, and pursuing political dialogue for the disarmament of FDLR members not involved in the 1994 genocide.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Ethiopia, highlighting China's significant role in infrastructure development and trade while noting the potential negative effects of outdated technology transfers and poor labour standards. It argues that while Ethiopia benefits from China's 'no-strings-attached' economic support, this approach may entrench the authoritarian nature of the Ethiopian government by providing an alternative to Western donors who condition aid on human rights and democratic progress.

The document evaluates the Grand Coalition Government (GCG) in Kenya, established after the 2007 post-election violence. While it notes institutional progress in justice and constitutional reform, it highlights failures in addressing root causes of conflict, such as land disputes and economic marginalization, and notes a sharp decline in economic growth from 7% to 1.7%.

The document examines how former guerrilla movements in East Africa—specifically in Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Southern Sudan—have transitioned into state power. It argues that the authoritarian, centralized, and ruthless nature of guerrilla warfare is fundamentally incompatible with democratic governance, leading to regimes characterized by 'enlightened despotism' or total totalitarianism. The author analyzes the role of pre-existing civil society, ethnic tensions, and the personalization of power in shaping these outcomes, contrasting these cases with Somaliland's successful transition to a multi-party democracy.

The report outlines a framework for effective policy advocacy in Africa based on four pillars: strategic planning, functional networks, political sophistication, and the use of evidence and technology. It analyzes successful campaigns, such as the Treatment Action Campaign in South Africa and the Anti-Third Term Campaign in Zambia, to demonstrate how CSOs can navigate hostile political environments, leverage legal instruments, and use mobile technology for social mobilisation.

The report argues that increasing water productivity—defined as the value or benefit derived from a volume of water used—is essential to meet the food demands of a growing global population while managing increasing water scarcity. It emphasizes that the greatest potential for gains lies in low-productivity rainfed areas, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. The document advocates for a shift from focusing solely on 'blue water' (rivers, lakes, aquifers) to integrating 'green water' (soil moisture) management at the watershed scale. Key strategies include closing yield gaps through improved agronomy, adopting micro-irrigation and water harvesting, and enhancing livestock water productivity. The report concludes that these technical improvements must be supported by targeted policy actions, capacity building, and the removal of market constraints to be effective for the rural poor.

The report examines the rise of foreign land and water acquisitions driven by food, energy, and water security concerns. It highlights a shift from market-driven comparative advantage to 'long-distance farming' to meet home-state needs. The authors analyze how the interaction between domestic law, international investment contracts, and international investment agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor rights over local users and sustainable development goals, potentially limiting host governments' ability to regulate for public health, environment, or food security.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary self-monitoring tool for promoting good governance in Africa. It traces the APRM's genealogy from the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU), analyzing the institutional tensions and evolving coordination between these bodies. The author highlights the APRM's success in widening political space and identifying governance gaps in member states, while noting limitations in its ability to enforce solutions or ensure peer learning. The paper concludes that the mechanism's future depends on the commitment of African leadership and its ability to demonstrate incremental progress to maintain international support.

The paper argues that the SPLA/M is unlikely to transition into a political party in the short term due to persistent security threats, lack of trust in the Khartoum government, and internal structural issues. It highlights how the Sudanese government's support for Southern militias and the linkage of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) to the conflict in Darfur disincentivize the SPLA/M from disarming. The author emphasizes that a successful transition requires a clear settlement of North-South relations, the disarmament of pro-government militias, and a resolution to the Darfur crisis.

The report argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities such as poverty and poor governance. It identifies four primary drivers of instability: increasing water scarcity, reduced food security, large-scale climate-induced migration, and the overall impact on state fragility. While climate change can intensify conflicts, the document emphasizes that non-climatic factors—specifically governance and institutional capacity—determine whether these challenges lead to violent conflict. The authors propose four strategies for mitigation: improving climate projections, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, implementing adaptation measures, and integrating climate risks into all levels of governance.

The report details a 2009 conference in Addis Ababa focused on structural and operational conflict prevention in Africa. Key discussions included the role of civil society in early warning, the necessity of integrating traditional and modern institutions, and the challenges of political will. The conference highlighted the ECOWAS framework and IGAD's counter-terrorism efforts, while concluding with recommendations to harmonize prevention standards and strengthen partnerships between the AU, RECs, and civil society.

The Pan-African Parliament (PAP), established in 2004, currently operates with only advisory and consultative powers, lacking the capacity to enforce decisions. The document argues that while the PAP Protocol envisions an ultimate transformation into a legislative body with members elected by universal suffrage, this process must be gradual and contingent on addressing severe institutional capacity weaknesses. Drawing comparisons with the European Parliament (EP) and the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), the author suggests a phased approach to transformation focusing on budgetary autonomy, professional staff recruitment, and the establishment of formal oversight mechanisms before granting full legislative powers.

This report by Friends of the Earth International examines the socio-economic and environmental impacts of GM crops, specifically focusing on the dominance of a few corporations like Monsanto. It argues that GM technology does not solve hunger, as most crops are used for animal feed or biofuels in wealthy nations. The document highlights a trend of increasing pesticide use and the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds in the US, Argentina, and Brazil. It further claims that GM crops often result in lower yields than conventional varieties and suggests that agroecological and organic farming are more effective alternatives for food security.