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The document identifies three priority policy areas for food systems transformation (FST) to enhance food security and climate resilience: reducing post-harvest losses, scaling up biofortification of staple crops, and improving food safety. It argues that while these issues are recognized in national policies across Eastern and Southern Africa, implementation is hindered by limited resources, capacity gaps, and a disproportionate focus on staple crops over high-nutrition crops.

The report highlights a significant gap between government rhetoric and action regarding fossil fuel subsidies, noting that world governments provided a record USD 1.3 trillion in such subsidies in 2022. It critiques current UNFCCC commitments for lacking deadlines and clear definitions of "inefficient" subsidies. The authors propose several pathways for action at COP 28 and beyond, including the adoption of a 'cover decision', integrating subsidy reform into the first global stocktake, and requiring more ambitious, time-bound commitments in updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document also suggests leveraging climate finance discussions, such as the 'net climate finance' concept and the new collective quantified goal (NCQG), to address public financial flows to fossil fuels.

This research paper outlines the strategic positioning of African countries and institutions ahead of COP28 in Dubai, emphasizing the role of the Nairobi Declaration and the African Union's Climate Change and Resilient Strategy and Action Plan (2022-2032) in driving the regional climate agenda.

The report outlines the strategic positions of African nations and multilateral structures at COP28, emphasizing the Nairobi Declaration and the AU's Climate Change and Resilient Strategy and Action Plan. It details the leadership of specific countries in areas such as green hydrogen (Morocco, Kenya), critical minerals (Namibia), and forest restoration (Ethiopia, Rwanda, Republic of Congo), while analyzing the influence of negotiating blocs like the G77 and China, BASIC, and the LDC group in securing climate finance and adaptation support.

On July 7, 2023, the United States destroyed the last of its declared chemical weapons stockpile, marking the elimination of 100 percent of the world's declared chemical weapons. The process was overseen by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and faced delays due to technical challenges and local opposition to incineration methods at sites like the Pueblo Chemical Depot and Blue Grass Army Depot. Despite this milestone, the report highlights ongoing noncompliance by Burma, Iran, Russia, and Syria, and the use of Novichok nerve agents. It argues that the U.S. must retain its scientific and technical countering-WMD expertise to assist in treaty verification and respond to future contingencies, especially as other nonproliferation frameworks, such as the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, face increasing fragility.

The 2023 update finds that while current policies for 25 major economies may result in 2030 emissions between -6% and +8% compared to 2019 levels, this falls short of the 43% reduction aligned with the Paris Agreement. While 13 countries are now on track to meet their NDC targets, 12 countries still face an implementation gap.

The report forecasts a significant increase in Africa's energy demand due to population growth, projecting that it will overtake the EU27 by 2043. While Africa possesses vast oil, gas, and hydropower reserves, its current energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with 'other renewables' making up only 1.6% of production in 2023. The document highlights a trajectory where Africa will eventually become a major global source of carbon emissions from fossil fuels, overtaking the EU by 2034.

The document examines Africa's natural gas landscape, noting that while the continent holds approximately 10% of global proven gas reserves, a lack of domestic infrastructure means most production is destined for export. It highlights a potential global LNG supply glut starting in mid-2025 and 2026, which may lower prices and profits for exporters. Key reserves are concentrated in Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, while new discoveries are emerging in countries like Mozambique and Senegal. Specific large-scale projects are detailed for Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mozambique, and Tanzania.

The report identifies Africa as a net energy exporter, though it forecasts that total energy demand will exceed production by 2039. While a small group of countries like Algeria, Nigeria, and Angola maintain high export values, a significant number of African nations remain heavily dependent on energy imports, a group expected to expand by 2043.

Africa possesses the world's highest untapped hydropower potential, yet only 11% of this capacity is currently installed. While large-scale projects like the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Plant are advancing, growth is hindered by the need for extensive transmission networks in unstable regions and institutional failures. By 2043, hydropower is forecast to contribute 5.3% of the continent's energy production.

The document examines the shift from paper-based to digital identification in East Africa, specifically focusing on Ethiopia's 'Fayda' and Uganda's 'Ndaga Muntu' systems. While digital IDs aim to improve access to government services and reduce fraud, the briefing highlights significant risks including the exclusion of marginalized groups, potential for ethnic profiling, and the absence or weakness of data protection laws. It recommends transparent roll-outs, the maintenance of analogue alternatives, and the establishment of strong legal frameworks for cybersecurity and privacy.

The report finds that comprehensive requirements for benefit sharing arrangements are not common practice across major carbon crediting programmes. While some projects, particularly those under Plan Vivo, demonstrate best practices by providing detailed monitoring reports on monetary and non-monetary benefits, many others provide only procedural information or limited evidence of actual implementation. Major carbon crediting programmes like Verra (VCS), CAR, and ACR have largely resisted mandatory disclosure of benefit sharing terms, citing commercial confidentiality and a lack of institutional expertise to monitor downstream financial flows.

The briefing reveals a systemic lack of rules and enforcement regarding benefit sharing arrangements (BSAs) in the voluntary carbon market. An analysis by Öko-Institut found that only two of five assessed carbon standards referenced BSAs, and only four of 47 reviewed projects provided clear evidence of benefit sharing with stakeholders beyond project implementers. The document argues that payments for results (such as payments for ecosystem services) are often incorrectly conflated with benefit sharing, which should instead be a distribution of revenues. It further notes that major standards like CAR, ACR, and VCS have opposed mandatory BSA rules from the ICVCM, citing confidentiality and capacity constraints.

The document examines the prevalence and quality of benefit-sharing agreements in the voluntary carbon market (VCM). Based on an Öko-Institut study, it finds that most carbon standards and projects lack clear, enforceable mechanisms to distribute financial and non-financial benefits to local communities. It highlights a critical confusion between 'benefit-sharing' and 'payment for results' (such as salaries or payments for ecosystem services), arguing that the former should be a separate share of profits. The brief concludes that the absence of uniform definitions and the opposition of major standards to mandatory rules hinder the equitable distribution of carbon credit revenues.

The document analyzes the lack of standardized rules for benefit-sharing agreements (BSAs) in the voluntary carbon market, finding that most carbon standards and projects fail to provide evidence of equitable benefit distribution to indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs).

The document reports on a study by the Öko-Institut commissioned by Carbon Market Watch, which found that benefit-sharing arrangements (BSAs) in the voluntary carbon market are largely insufficient and lack transparency. Analysis of five carbon standards and 47 projects revealed that most standards do not require BSAs, and very few projects provide evidence of distributing benefits beyond simple performance-based payments. The brief argues that performance payments (like salaries) should not be conflated with benefit-sharing and calls for the Integrity Council for Voluntary Carbon Markets (ICVCM) to mandate standardized, transparent BSA rules.

Global Witness reports that the rush for lithium in Africa is characterized by corruption and ESG failures. In Zimbabwe, the Sandawana mine is linked to sanctioned elites and ZANU-PF allies, with reports of child labour and illegal exports. In Namibia, Xinfeng Investments is accused of bribery and using small-scale mining permits to avoid environmental assessments. In the DRC, the Manono project is stalled by ownership disputes and allegations that shell companies and politically connected individuals profited from the deposit while the state treasury received negligible funds.

The report analyses the 'memory wars' in Ethiopia, where political elites use 'invented traditions' and memorialisation to advance competing ideological agendas. It identifies three primary approaches to collective memory: the rejectionist approach, which seeks to deconstruct the 'great tradition' of the Ethiopian state; the revivalist approach, which seeks to restore it; and the moderationist approach, which attempts a selective balance. These approaches operate across four layers of tradition: the pre-1991 great tradition, the post-1991 federal vernacular tradition, regional traditions, and local-level traditions. The author argues that the contradictions between these approaches and the lack of a negotiated, shared collective memory have reinforced political instability and armed conflict.

The document examines the transition from paper-based to digital identification in East Africa, specifically focusing on Ethiopia's Fayda and Uganda's Ndaga Muntu systems. While digital IDs aim to improve access to services and reduce fraud, the author highlights significant risks including mass exclusion of marginalized groups, potential for ethnic profiling, and the absence of robust data protection laws. The briefing argues that without strong legal frameworks and transparent implementation, these systems can become barriers to human rights rather than tools for inclusion.

The document analyzes the distinct paths toward statehood for Somaliland and the SADR, contrasting Somaliland's case of secession from Somalia with the SADR's struggle for self-determination against Moroccan occupation. It examines how the African Union's adherence to inviolable colonial borders, despite precedents like Eritrea and South Sudan, complicates these efforts. The authors argue that both territories seek to reclaim colonial-era boundaries rather than alter them, yet they face significant economic and political hurdles due to a lack of formal recognition.