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The report examines the surge in land acquisitions across Africa for agrofuel production, driven largely by EU mandatory targets for renewable transport fuels. It finds that approximately 5 million hectares of land have been acquired for fuel crops, often without community consent. The document argues that these 'land grabs' threaten food security by competing with food crops for fertile land and water, while providing minimal local employment. Environmental impacts include deforestation in the Congo Basin and habitat loss in Ethiopia's Babile Elephant Sanctuary. The report concludes that agrofuels are often exported for international profit rather than providing local energy security, leaving African nations with depleted natural resources.

The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The report argues that the 2006–2008 global food crisis was a spike in a long-term trend of food insecurity in Southern Africa. It highlights the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) as the primary framework for coordinated regional responses, emphasizing long-term structural improvements over short-term reactionary measures. The analysis covers specific SADC and COMESA initiatives, the role of strategic grain reserves, and the impact of international trade subsidies on African agricultural productivity.

The report examines the hydrological constraints and governance regimes of transboundary river basins in the SADC region, arguing that while water is not a primary driver of conflict, robust institutional frameworks and policy harmonisation are essential for economic growth. It highlights the role of the SADC Water Protocol and the evolution of basin-specific regimes, proposing 'Parallel National Action' as a mechanism to align national policies without eroding state sovereignty.

The report examines South Africa's energy security, highlighting a critical over-reliance on coal-fired power generated by the state utility Eskom. It argues that this dependency creates a conflict with the country's climate mitigation goals and international commitments. The author identifies structural and institutional barriers—specifically Eskom's market dominance and a lack of coordinated government policy—that hinder the adoption of renewable energy. The report suggests that South Africa must shift from a 'business as usual' fossil-fuel path toward a 'business unusual' approach, leveraging regional hydroelectric and gas potential within the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) to ensure a sustainable and secure energy future.

Mozambique possesses significant hydropower, natural gas, and coal potential, yet over 80% of its population lacks grid connectivity, relying instead on traditional biomass. The report details the country's transition from a centralized socialist economy to a liberalized market, highlighting the role of the 1997 Electricity Act in opening the sector to private investment. It examines the functions of key entities like Electricidade de Moçambique (EDM) and the National Energy Fund (FUNAE), while outlining strategic goals to increase electrification rates to 20% by 2020 and leverage regional power demand through the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP).

The report examines energy security in Southern Africa, focusing on the need to expand electricity generation capacity and diversify away from coal. It identifies the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) as a key mechanism for regional cooperation to exploit vast hydropower potential in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique. However, the report notes that urgent short-term power shortages often lead countries, especially South Africa, to rely on quicker, coal-fired solutions, creating a 'lock-in' effect. It argues that for SAPP to succeed, the region must overcome significant regulatory risks, high upfront capital costs for hydropower, and a lack of cost-reflective pricing in national utilities.

The electricity sector in SACU member states is characterised by chronic capacity shortages, underdeveloped infrastructure, and a dominance of state-owned monopolies. While the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) facilitates cross-border trade, the region remains heavily dependent on South Africa's Eskom. The paper argues that the lack of cost-reflective tariffs and political reluctance to allow independent power producers (IPPs) hinder investment. It recommends a harmonised regional regulatory framework and a strategic approach to liberalisation through a mix of SADC, WTO GATS, and bilateral agreements to improve energy security and economic growth.

The author identifies three primary points of divergence within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU): revenue distribution, trade and industrial policy, and foreign policy orientation. South Africa's role as a primary subsidizer of smaller members creates fiscal tension, while Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland seek trade diversification via an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the EU, contrasting with South Africa's state-led industrial policy. The author warns that dismantling SACU could lead to the collapse of administrations in Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland, triggering mass migration into South Africa. Proposed solutions include a 'quid pro quo' where smaller states accept lower revenue in exchange for more policy influence, and the EU dropping the 'MFN clause' in EPA negotiations.

The author contends that while SADC successfully mediated the Global Political Agreement to establish a unity government in Zimbabwe, the regional body has missed a critical opportunity to support the resulting Short-Term Economic Recovery Plan (STERP) financially. Despite the plan's estimated requirement of US$10 billion over three years, only South Africa and Botswana have made tangible pledges totaling US$160 million, with approximately US$400 million secured from unspecified African sources. The author argues that SADC member states have a moral obligation to contribute resources rather than relying solely on lobbying international donors like the IMF and World Bank, suggesting that even token contributions would enhance the credibility of the African renaissance and the STERP initiative.

The report challenges the promotion of jatropha as a 'wonder crop' for biofuels, using evidence from Swaziland to argue that it may compete with food production, require significant water and chemical inputs, and offer marginal economic benefits to small-scale farmers. It highlights concerns over unfair contracting practices by D1 Oils and the lack of environmental risk assessments, concluding that jatropha is not a sustainable 'silver bullet' for meeting EU and UK biofuel targets.

The paper argues that Botswana's success is not due to minerals alone but to a combination of professional public institutions, disciplined leadership, and the integration of traditional Tswana democratic values with modern governance. It highlights the role of the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning in linking revenue to specific projects and the strategic partnership with De Beers. However, the authors warn that this 'miracle' is threatened by high income inequality, over-reliance on diamond exports, a high HIV/Aids prevalence, and an excessively powerful executive presidency.

The document analyzes Botswana's 'miracle' of economic growth and political stability following the discovery of diamonds. It attributes this success to a professional, merit-based bureaucracy, the integration of traditional Tswana consultative values with modern democratic principles, and disciplined leadership. However, it warns that this image is challenged by persistent poverty, high income inequality (Gini index of 60.5), a 23.8% unemployment rate, and an over-reliance on diamond exports, which account for approximately one-third of the GDP.

The author argues that despite a change in leadership from Thabo Mbeki to Jacob Zuma, South Africa's foreign policy is likely to maintain continuity. This continuity is expected to manifest as ongoing support for the African Union (AU), NEPAD, and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), as well as a persistent 'anti-imperial' philosophical approach in international relations and continued engagement in regional conflicts such as those in Zimbabwe and Sudan.

The author contends that Zimbabwe's entry into the Common Monetary Area (CMA) would undermine the agreement's credibility due to Zimbabwe's inability to back currency issuance with foreign reserves. Furthermore, the move would strip Zimbabwe of its monetary and fiscal sovereignty, lead to an overvalued currency that destroys export competitiveness, and fail to curb inflation without the removal of trade barriers. Politically, such a surrender of sovereignty is viewed as unpalatable for Zimbabwe's leadership.

The document assesses the transport sectors of SACU member states, highlighting a significant shift from rail to road and the strategic importance of South African infrastructure for landlocked neighbors. It identifies regulatory fragmentation and high logistics costs as primary barriers to trade. The report advocates for the implementation of the SADC Transport Protocol and provides a strategic framework for member states to align their national policies with the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) to attract investment and improve efficiency.

Friends of the Earth has released a report titled “Voices from Communities Affected by Climate Change,” documenting first-hand experiences of climate impacts from diverse groups including indigenous peoples and small-scale fisherfolk across multiple continents. The organization uses these testimonies to call for a roadmap toward a post-Kyoto agreement in 2012, emphasizing that wealthy nations must lead in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and financing adaptation for poorer communities. The document highlights the need for climate justice through a moratorium on fossil fuel extraction, the promotion of energy sovereignty, and the fulfillment of UNFCCC obligations for wealthy countries to fund adaptation in developing nations, which may require an additional $50–100 billion annually.

The report examines the Southern African Customs Union (SACU)—comprising South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Swaziland—and its various trade agreements. It finds that most agreements focus almost exclusively on market access and economic growth, largely ignoring social and environmental pillars of sustainable development. The study highlights the critical role of the SACU Revenue Sharing Formula in supporting smaller member states and warns that rapid trade liberalization, particularly with the EU, US, and China, may lead to significant tariff revenue losses and job cuts in sensitive sectors like textiles. It recommends that SACU integrate sustainable development guidelines into negotiations, conduct impact assessments, and increase transparency and parliamentary oversight of trade deals.

The author contends that Swaziland's absolute monarchy, characterized by a lack of accountability for King Mswati III and the banning of political parties, is unable to address the country's critical challenges. These include extreme poverty, where up to 70 percent of the population may live on less than $1 a day, and a devastating HIV epidemic that has reduced average life expectancy to approximately 30 years. The economy is heavily reliant on subsistence agriculture, which is threatened by climate change, and revenue from the Southern African Customs Union. While the monarchy maintains power through traditional loyalty and control over land, growing resentment over royal extravagance and socio-economic hardship is increasing. The document suggests that Swaziland could look to other African nations like Botswana, Ghana, or Lesotho as models for transitioning to a constitutional monarchy to ensure long-term stability.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.