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The report assesses the global climate finance landscape, highlighting the critical role of public finance in catalyzing private investment. It examines various financial tools—including green bonds, carbon pricing, and risk mitigation instruments—and analyzes the performance of multilateral development banks and bilateral agencies. The document emphasizes that while global flows have increased, significant gaps remain in tracking private finance and achieving the USD 100 billion goal due to low carbon prices and a lack of stable enabling environments in developing nations.

The Global Campaign to Dismantle Corporate Power and Stop Impunity argues for a legally binding UN treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs). The submission proposes that TNCs be held civilly and criminally liable for human rights and environmental violations, including through shared liability for subsidiaries and subcontractors. It calls for the recognition of the hierarchical superiority of human rights over trade and investment treaties, the codification of states' extra-territorial obligations, and the creation of international enforcement bodies, including a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights. The document also highlights the role of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank in facilitating corporate impunity through structural adjustment policies.

The submission argues that TNCs operate with unprecedented economic and political power, often evading national laws through complex structures and benefiting from investment treaties that prioritize private profit over human rights. It proposes a binding UN treaty that establishes TNCs' obligations to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable (including joint liability for subsidiaries and suppliers), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The document further calls for the legal supremacy of human rights over trade and investment agreements, the inclusion of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank in the treaty's scope, and the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights. Finally, it demands that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent corporate influence from undermining the instrument's effectiveness.

The document argues that transnational corporations (TNCs) currently operate with impunity due to a lack of binding international regulations and the dominance of trade and investment treaties over human rights. It proposes a new UN instrument that establishes the legal obligation of TNCs to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable for violations (including through subsidiaries), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The proposal calls for the creation of an international court and a monitoring body to oversee implementation, while demanding that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent undue influence.

The report analyzes how the internal conflict in South Sudan has become an arena for regional power struggles. It details the competing interests of Uganda and Sudan, the security concerns of Ethiopia and Eritrea, and the economic and hydropolitical motivations of Kenya and Egypt. The author argues that these external interventions, particularly the military involvement of Uganda and the proxy interests of Sudan, have regionalized the crisis and undermined the mediation efforts of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The policy brief examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing coups in Burkina Faso and Burundi as evidence. It argues that the African Union (AU) has been too reactive, focusing on suspending governments after coups rather than preventing the constitutional manipulations that trigger them. The author calls for the AU to formalize presidential term limits within its governance architecture, specifically suggesting amendments to the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The brief recommends that 'anchor states' like South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya use preventive diplomacy to discourage term extensions, noting that such practices undermine the goals of Agenda 2063 and regional security.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

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The document examines the AU Panel of the Wise (PoW) as a key pillar of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on its use of preventive diplomacy in crisis-prone elections. It argues that while the PoW can attenuate violence and promote peaceful outcomes, such interventions often prioritize immediate peace over electoral legitimacy, potentially deferring structural conflicts to future cycles. The author emphasizes that the success of preventive diplomacy depends on the timing of 'early action' and the commitment of political stakeholders, noting that long-term governance transformation is necessary to resolve deep-rooted conflicts.

In July 2014, Egypt implemented significant energy subsidy cuts, including a 64% increase in diesel prices, as part of a five-year plan to eliminate most energy subsidies. The reforms aimed to reduce the budget deficit and signal economic stability to investors. While the cuts caused an initial spike in inflation and public discontent among lower-income groups and transport operators, the broader economic outlook improved, and large-scale protests were avoided. The report notes that the government's compensation measures were limited and ad hoc, and that the success of future reforms will depend on more robust social safety nets and the management of politically sensitive products like liquefied petroleum gas (LPG).

The document details the construction of the Aqueduct Water Risk Atlas, which uses a composite index approach to map global water risks. It describes the development of six modeled indicators (baseline water stress, inter-annual variability, seasonal variability, upstream storage, return flow ratio, and upstream protected land) and the adaptation of six externally sourced indicators (flood occurrence, drought severity, groundwater stress, media coverage, access to water, and threatened amphibians). The methodology involves using an ensemble of regression models to project water withdrawals to 2010, spatial disaggregation to the catchment scale, and a catchment-to-catchment flow accumulation approach for water supply. The final water risk scores are generated through a linear weighted aggregation process, allowing users to customize weights based on their specific sector or risk sensitivity.

The report analyzes the power dynamics of Africa's five most influential states, using the Hillebrand-Herman-Moyer Index (HHMI) to forecast capabilities. It finds that while Nigeria and Ethiopia are expected to increase their power capabilities, Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa are likely to stagnate or decline. The authors distinguish between raw capabilities and 'power projection,' noting that Ethiopia and South Africa currently punch above their weight, while Nigeria and Algeria punch below theirs. The analysis emphasizes that governance deficits and domestic instability often hinder the translation of material capabilities into actual regional or global influence.

The document serves as an appendix to a study on the relationship between majority religion and armed conflict. It provides detailed datasets on the majority religions of countries as of 2010, the incidence of intrastate armed conflict by religion between 1991 and 2012, and a comprehensive list of opposition groups in intrastate conflicts from 1946 to 2013. It specifically examines the prevalence of Islamist insurgents and the conflict history of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations.

The document analyzes the strategic efforts of the US government (via USAID), the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, and companies like Monsanto to introduce GM crops into African markets. It argues that these actors bypass national precautions by promoting 'harmonized' regional biosafety policies through bodies like COMESA and ECOWAS. The report highlights the failure of GM projects, such as the virus-resistant sweet potato in Kenya, and the socio-economic risks of the 'Green Revolution' model, citing South Africa's experience where GM adoption has allegedly increased food insecurity and wealth inequality. It advocates for the adoption of the African Union's Model Law on Biosafety and a shift toward agro-ecology to ensure food sovereignty.

The report argues that USAID and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation are aggressively promoting GM crops in Africa by influencing biosafety legislation and bypassing national regulations through Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It highlights the contrast between the 'precautionary approach' of the Cartagena Protocol and the 'promotional approach' of US-funded programs like the Agricultural Biotechnology Support Programme (ABSP) and the Programme for Biosafety Systems (PBS). The document uses case studies from South Africa, Kenya, and Malawi to illustrate how GM adoption can lead to corporate consolidation and increased food insecurity, while criticizing philanthropic projects like Water Efficient Maize for Africa (WEMA) as 'Trojan horses' for private agribusiness interests.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.

The paper argues that financial inclusion is essential for alleviating poverty and stimulating local economic development in Africa. It identifies significant barriers to formal banking for the rural poor, including strict 'Know Your Customer' (KYC) regulations, lack of documentation, and geographic distance from banks. Consequently, many rely on informal savings and credit schemes—such as esusu in Nigeria and susu in Ghana—and informal remittance networks, which provide flexibility but carry high risks due to lack of regulation. The author highlights M-Pesa in Kenya as a successful model of mobile-led financial inclusion, contrasting it with less successful attempts in other countries. The document emphasizes that physical infrastructure must be paired with financial literacy to be sustainable and recommends that governments create enabling regulatory environments, diversify financial products (including Islamic banking), and improve credit-reporting infrastructure for SMEs.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

The policy brief examines the 'special partnership' between Russia and Turkey, noting that while they disagree on the Syrian civil war, they share autocratic political instincts and a mutual desire to curtail US interventionism. The author argues that Russia can boost its Middle Eastern role through joint initiatives with Turkey, leveraging the personal chemistry between Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. While energy ties—specifically natural gas pipelines and the Akkuyu nuclear power plant—provide a foundation, the document suggests that the leaders' shared 'contrarian' tendencies and need for foreign policy victories are primary drivers for potential cooperation in Northern Syria and the South Caucasus.

The document analyzes Nigeria's experience with the APRM, highlighting that while the peer review process is a valuable diagnostic tool, the subsequent implementation of the National Programme of Action (NPoA) faces severe hurdles. In Nigeria, these include poor monitoring and evaluation, limited technical capacity, funding constraints, and a lack of legal standing for NEPAD Nigeria. The brief also notes a decline in civil society engagement due to mistrust and lack of donor funding, concluding that success requires strong political will, better communication, and the integration of the NPoA into national development strategies.