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The report argues that President Donald Trump's early presidency was marked by a lack of interest in Africa, a disregard for multilateralism, and leadership traits reminiscent of autocrats, which strained US–Africa relations. It highlights the risks posed by proposed budget cuts to foreign assistance, the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and the erosion of democratic norms. However, it also suggests that domestic resistance to Trump in the US and a push for greater African self-reliance could lead to a democratic reconsolidation and more resilient partnerships.

The document analyses 64 agricultural adaptation projects in sub-Saharan Africa approved between 2010 and 2016, finding that 61% involved the private sector. It categorises this involvement into three levels: stimulating future investment through awareness and business models, using private actors as service providers for public activities, and leveraging private capital through incentives. While the first two roles are more common, the report finds limited evidence of large-scale private investment being leveraged, with one notable exception in Madagascar. The authors argue that project designers should identify commercial opportunities across the entire value chain from the start to better attract diverse private actors.

The document argues that while climate-smart agriculture (CSA) can enhance food security and climate resilience in sub-Saharan Africa, its adoption is hindered by physical input shortages and institutional failures. It recommends improving tenure security, expanding financial instruments like crop insurance, and strengthening local governance and scientific research to scale these practices.

As of May 2017, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) has engaged with 105 countries on 165 readiness requests, committing or spending a total of USD 34.3 million. The programme focuses on strengthening National Designated Authorities (NDAs), developing country programmes and project pipelines, and supporting the accreditation of direct access entities. Key achievements include the provision of in-kind accreditation support to 102 entities across 55 countries and the development of strategic frameworks in various regions. The report details specific activities in countries such as Tonga, Djibouti, and Namibia, and outlines the establishment of no-objection procedures in 34 countries. Additionally, it highlights regional structured dialogues in Asia and Eastern Europe and Central Asia to facilitate project pipelines and knowledge sharing.

The paper analyzes the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS) of Ethiopia, which prioritizes domestic security and development over external concerns. While this approach has supported economic growth and regional mediation roles, the author argues it has led to strategic vulnerabilities, including a failure to secure sea access and an underestimation of threats from Eritrea and Egypt. The document recommends a more proactive, opportunity-based diplomatic approach to enhance regional trade and security.

The report analyzes Ethiopia's trajectory toward lower-middle-income status, highlighting significant progress in GDP growth and health indicators alongside persistent challenges in food security, education quality, and political inclusion. It uses scenario modeling to demonstrate that integrated investments in agriculture, human capital, and governance are essential to harness a looming demographic dividend and avoid instability driven by a large youth bulge.

The document analyzes France's strategic use of its territories, military presence, and diplomatic ties to maintain influence in the Indian Ocean Region. It highlights the tension between established powers like France and emerging economies such as China, India, and South Africa, particularly regarding the 'Blue Economy' and maritime security.

Ethiopia is positioned as a climate leader, being the first Least Developed Country to submit an Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC). The government aims to reduce annual greenhouse gas emissions from 150 Mt CO2eq in 2010 to 145 Mt CO2eq by 2030. To support these goals, CDKN has assisted the Ministry of Finance and Economic Cooperation (MoFEC) in achieving accreditation as a National Implementing Entity for the Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Fund in March 2016. Infrastructure investments include a 34-km light rail transit in Addis Ababa and a 750-km railway to Djibouti. Additionally, CDKN is supporting the development of geothermal risk insurance and research into greening the industrial sector, specifically leather, garments, and cement.

The document outlines the evolution of China-Africa relations from early diplomatic ties to a complex modern partnership. It highlights the role of FOCAC as a primary vehicle for cooperation, the shift toward a 'New Normal' characterized by slowing economic growth and commodity price drops, and China's increasing involvement in African peace and security, marking a departure from its traditional 'non-interference' policy.

The document analyzes electoral trends in Africa between 2015 and early 2016, identifying four negative trends: constitutional alterations to extend term limits, manipulation of electoral calendars, harassment of opposition candidates, and low voter turnout. It highlights a gap between the existence of continental democratic frameworks, such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), and the political will of governing elites to implement them. The authors recommend structural reforms, respect for electoral calendars, and the adoption of social media codes of conduct to protect freedom of expression.

The paper analyzes the relationship between China and Ethiopia, highlighting how Ethiopia's 'developmental state' model and strategic location in the Horn of Africa make it a key partner for China. It details Chinese investments in infrastructure, energy, and telecommunications, while noting that China's political influence is constrained by Ethiopia's strong national pride and centralized power structures. The document also explores China's increasing role in regional stability through the African Union and IGAD.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The document evaluates the 25th Summit of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) in Nairobi, noting a renewed energy under new leadership but highlighting persistent challenges including poor attendance by heads of state, significant financial arrears, and the need for faster reporting cycles to maintain relevance.

The document analyzes the transition of the Japan-Africa partnership through the lens of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD). It highlights a strategic shift from post-Cold War aid policies toward a stronger focus on trade, investment, and economic strategy, exemplified by the establishment of the Conference on African Economic Strategy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The text compares Japan's economic footprint in Africa—noting a US$20 billion trade volume in 2015—against China's significantly larger US$180 billion. It further examines Japan's geopolitical motivations, including UN Security Council reform and maritime disputes in the East China Sea, while noting that African nations are leveraging competition between global powers to secure better investment and infrastructure terms.

Ethiopia has established a comprehensive framework for a climate-resilient green economy, led by the Prime Minister's Office and integrated into national development plans. The country has invested significantly from its own budget—approximately 14.5% between 2008 and 2012—and established the Climate Resilient Green Economy Facility to attract international finance, securing US$40 million from bilateral partners by 2015. Key achievements include the 2015 submission of an Intended Nationally Determined Contribution and the development of green infrastructure like the Addis Ababa light rail. However, barriers remain, including the need for deeper integration into operational budgeting, technical capacity gaps, and the challenge of replicating federal success at the regional level.

The East African region has discovered vast oil and gas reserves, but social and economic benefits remain unrealised due to regulatory disputes, infrastructure hurdles, and poor governance. Uganda has opted for a pipeline route through Tanzania over Kenya due to cost and security concerns. Mozambique faces severe financial instability and debt crises that threaten its LNG projects. Across the region, a lack of transparency and limited civil liberties hinder the effective implementation of accountability frameworks like the EITI.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

The paper examines the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as a catalyst for Ethiopia's transition toward a low-carbon, 'green' economy and its ambition to become a primary electricity exporter in East Africa. It details the dam's technical specifications, its integration into Ethiopia's Growth and Transformation Plans, and the role of regional bodies like the Eastern Africa Power Pool (EAPP) and the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) in facilitating energy trade. The author argues that while the GERD offers a significant opportunity for regional integration, its success depends on overcoming hydro-hegemonic tensions with downstream states, improving trans-boundary environmental assessments, and harmonizing national energy policies across the region.

The document analyzes the shift in Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, moving toward a more proactive and assertive 'geo-economic' approach. It examines how this strategy integrates Africa into India's broader geostrategic space, stretching from the Suez to the Pacific, and evaluates the outcomes of the third India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS III). The authors argue that while India seeks to enhance its soft power and energy security, the relationship must evolve from a focus on Indian-sourced credit lines to partnerships that support African industrialization and manufacturing.

The research paper examines how China's 'one road-two belts' strategy, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and increased UN peacekeeping commitments impact Africa. It highlights a shift toward regional development nodes on Africa's east coast and the Horn of Africa, while cautioning that Africa's strategic importance to Beijing is limited compared to China's immediate region and its interests in Asia and Europe.