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Indian mining companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) operate on a small to medium scale compared to Western and Chinese firms, primarily growing through profit reinvestment rather than state or external capital. While companies like Rubamin, Chemaf, and Somika contribute to copper and cobalt output in Katanga, they face criticism over environmental pollution and labor conditions. Mining Mineral Resources (MMR) is strategically positioning itself as a producer of 'conflict-free' tin and tantalum through tagging and the construction of a domestic smelter. The primary risk to these operations is political instability following the departure of Katanga's governor, Moïse Katumbi.

The report examines the decline of the Nile perch fishery in Uganda's portion of Lake Victoria, highlighting a significant gap between regional policies and local implementation. It identifies overfishing, illegal gear, and a regional trade in immature fish as primary threats, while noting that governance is hampered by corruption, inadequate funding, and stalled legislation.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

China is increasingly engaging in post-conflict settings in Africa, though it lacks a uniform policy framework. Its approach is characterized by a preference for non-interference, a belief in indigenous African agency, and the prioritization of economic modernization and infrastructure over political reform. In Sudan, China has transitioned from a political patron of Khartoum to a more complex role involving participation in UN and AU peacekeeping missions, providing humanitarian aid in Darfur, and establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of South Sudan. While China's bilateral model offers rapid infrastructure delivery and financing, the document suggests that future success depends on aligning Chinese assistance with African-led strategies and enhancing synergies between bilateral and multilateral efforts.

The document argues that traditional separations between adaptation, mitigation, and development are insufficient. It proposes 'climate compatible development' as a framework to achieve 'triple win' outcomes: low emissions, high resilience, and sustained human development. It highlights a new development landscape where climate finance, shifting trade patterns, and technological innovation redefine economic growth, particularly for developing nations.

The document argues that policymakers must move beyond treating mitigation, adaptation, and development as separate strategies. It defines 'climate compatible development' as a framework to minimize climate damage while maximizing development opportunities, aiming for 'triple wins' across emissions, resilience, and social growth. The brief highlights the shift in global finance toward the 'polluter pays' principle and provides examples of low-carbon strategies in Guyana and resilience efforts in Bolivia.

The document reports on a regional workshop organized by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the UN Regional Centre on Small Arms (RECSA), and the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Nairobi. The workshop focused on the regional dimensions of conflicts in the Great Lakes Region, specifically addressing the roles of clandestine armed groups, illegal resource exploitation, and cross-border ethnicity in prolonging violence. Participants from Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, and Kenya committed to developing initiatives for inclusive democracy, good governance, and the sustainable use of natural resources. The ISS was mandated to coordinate a partners' meeting to create a regional roadmap for sustainable peace.

The document argues that SADC's approach to the Zimbabwean crisis is heavily shaped by a 'club of brother presidents' mentality, where former liberation movements (including ZANU–PF, ANC, MPLA, FRELIMO, SWAPO, and CCM) prioritize solidarity over democratic pressure. This historical conservatism has led to a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and a reluctance to compel ZANU–PF to fully implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA). The author notes that ZANU–PF has strategically reinvented its history to strengthen ties with regional partners and frame the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western 'Trojan Horse'. The paper concludes that the MDC's lack of liberation credentials isolates it within a region where ruling parties still derive legitimacy from anti-colonial struggles.

The document examines the role of services in SADC economies, noting that while the sector is a primary driver of GDP and employment, it is often characterized by inefficiency and high costs. It compares two primary regulatory frameworks: the EU-SADC EPA, which is described as more ambitious and driven by EU interests, and the SADC Protocol on Trade in Services, which is viewed as less ambitious and unlikely to push member states beyond existing WTO commitments. The authors argue that external agreements may provide the necessary stimulus for domestic regulatory reform where political or capacity constraints hinder unilateral action.

The document argues that achieving an annual improvement of nearly 2 percentage points in water and sanitation access across Africa would significantly reduce child malnutrition and infant mortality, increase GDP, and lower the probability of state failure. It identifies that such progress requires an additional public investment of nearly US $35 billion over 40 years, primarily targeting sanitation. The analysis highlights that success in this sector is driven by public policy, institutional management, and finance rather than technology, citing examples from Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.

The report examines seven transboundary river basins—Congo, Okavango, Red, La Plata, Danube, Mekong, and Jordan—to evaluate how ecosystem services (ES) are integrated into Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). It finds that while IWRM planning is common, actual implementation is weak and often focuses on traditional services like hydropower and navigation, neglecting critical ES such as carbon sequestration and flood regulation. The authors argue that moving toward an ES-based 'benefit-sharing' model, supported by economic instruments like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), can overcome political, institutional, and financial barriers to sustainable transboundary water management.

The forestry sector in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) suffers from systemic governance failures, including corruption, institutional incapacity, and a significant gap between policy and practice. Despite a title conversion process that left the country with 80 logging concessions covering less than 20% of forested areas, illegal logging persists due to weak deterrents and state harassment. Local communities are largely marginalized in decision-making and benefit-sharing, often lacking the capacity to negotiate 'cahiers des charges' (social contracts) with logging companies. Financially, the sector contributes only 1% to the national GDP, far below the 5% average for other COMIFAC countries, with tax reforms stalled by officials benefiting from unofficial levies. Strategic threats include the 'Asian rush' of new market players and a rise in informal artisanal exploitation by those whose titles were cancelled.

The document examines the critical role of MRV in the successful implementation of REDD+, highlighting the need for standardized forest definitions and robust Reference Emission Levels (RELs). It discusses the 'nested approach' to link subnational and national monitoring, the trade-offs between cost and accuracy across IPCC reporting tiers, and the institutional and technical capacity gaps in developing countries. Using examples from Indonesia, Brazil, and others, it argues for inclusive, transparent, and potentially regionalized MRV frameworks to ensure the credibility of carbon credits.

The document examines the historical and contemporary drivers of conflict in Sudan, arguing that the centralisation of power in Khartoum and the economic neglect of peripheral regions created a pattern of resistance. It distinguishes between the 'high politics' of oil, which fueled the second civil war and secessionist movements, and the 'low politics' of subsistence resources, such as land and water, which continue to drive local-level violence between pastoralists and farmers. The author concludes that the stability of both Northern and Southern Sudan depends on their ability to move away from elite-driven power concentration and establish inclusive governance and resource-sharing frameworks.

The 2011 Ugandan elections resulted in a fourth term for President Yoweri Museveni, who secured 68.38% of the vote. While some regional observers deemed the process free and fair, international bodies like the EU and AU cited widespread irregularities, including voter bribery, ballot stuffing, and intimidation. The report highlights significant internal tensions, such as the conflict with the Buganda kingdom and the potential for resource-based conflict following oil discoveries in Buliisa and Amaru districts. Regionally, Museveni's victory maintains his influence in the East African Community and his commitment to an East African Federation, despite ongoing security threats from Al-Shabaab and allegations of interference in the DRC.

The document examines the role of safeguards in REDD+ to prevent social and environmental harm and to generate 'multiple benefits' such as poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation. It analyzes various international standards, reviews how countries integrate these into Readiness Preparation Proposals (R-PPs), and discusses the challenges of creating a cost-effective, transparent information-sharing system that respects national sovereignty while ensuring accountability.

The document analyzes the role of safeguards in REDD+ to prevent negative social and environmental impacts while maximizing 'multiple benefits' such as poverty reduction and biodiversity conservation. It evaluates various international standards (e.g., UN-REDD, World Bank SESA, FSC) and argues that no single standard covers all Cancun Agreement criteria. The paper explores the technical and financial challenges of establishing national and international information-sharing systems for safeguards, noting that costs for readiness phase monitoring vary from 35,000 USD in Costa Rica to 600,000 USD in the DRC. It concludes that effective safeguards require broad stakeholder participation, transparency, and a balance between international guidelines and national sovereignty.

The author argues that the South African state's shift from a traditional Weberian bureaucracy to a managerialist model (New Public Management) has led to ill-defined leadership roles requiring unrealistic skill combinations. This structural change, combined with affirmative action targets, has resulted in high vacancy rates and extreme staff volatility, as departments often poach qualified personnel from one another to meet statistical equity goals rather than filling gaps with meritocratic recruitment. The paper suggests that the resulting 'skills shortages' are actually a consequence of poor job design and the erosion of professional administrative standards.

The document analyzes Angola's foreign policy as a survival and development tool for the ruling MPLA government. It identifies three distinct phases: an initial period of survival (1975–2002) supported by the USSR and Cuba; a phase of reconstruction and growth (post-2002) driven by a strategic partnership with China; and an emerging transition toward democratic development involving closer ties with the US. The author highlights the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals with China and the ongoing tensions between the MPLA's desire for centralized control and domestic demands for transparency and democratic governance.

Minister Rob Davies outlines South Africa's trade strategy, emphasizing the use of tariffs as a tool for industrial policy and the pursuit of regional integration through the Tripartite FTA. He expresses skepticism regarding the 2011 window for the WTO Doha Round, arguing that the 2008 text is unbalanced and fails to address agricultural distortions or the needs of emerging economies. The Minister also highlights the importance of strengthening ties with BRICS nations to move beyond exporting primary products toward mineral beneficiation and industrialization.