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The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) possesses vast natural wealth, including the world's largest cobalt production and the second-largest tropical rainforest, yet remains one of Africa's poorest nations. Since independence in 1960, the country has been characterized by political instability, authoritarian rule under Mobutu Sese Seko, and devastating conflicts such as the Great African War. Recent history has seen a transition toward democratic elections, though the administration of President Félix Tshisekedi continues to face challenges regarding economic stability and violence in the eastern region.

The Lobito Corridor is positioned as a transformative route for critical raw materials (CRMs) from the Copperbelt of the DRC and Zambia to the port of Lobito in Angola, aimed at supporting the global green energy transition. While it promises significant reductions in transport time and costs, and has attracted up to USD 6 billion in funding from the US, EU, and other institutions, the project faces substantial risks. These include geopolitical competition with China, which dominates regional mining and infrastructure, and concerns over 'modern plundering' where raw materials are exported without local value addition. Furthermore, the project faces sustainability challenges regarding human rights in cobalt mines, land tenure disputes, and the regulation of artisanal and small-scale mining. The re-election of Donald Trump is identified as a major risk factor that could lead to the freezing of US federal and USAID funding, potentially shifting the project's control toward Chinese interests.

The document analyzes the volatile political climate in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ahead of the December 2018 elections. It highlights the systematic elimination of political competition by the ruling party, deep distrust in the electoral commission (CENI), and the persistent insecurity in the eastern DRC. The authors present four scenarios: a worst-case scenario of election cancellation leading to violence, a win by the ruling party's candidate Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary (either as a puppet for Joseph Kabila or as an independent leader), a contested win legitimized by a biased judiciary, and a popular opposition victory. The paper emphasizes that the DRC's vast mineral wealth, particularly cobalt, sustains international interest but also fuels internal instability and patronage networks. It recommends that SADC and the AU maintain pressure on the government to ensure a credible election and prepare for potential wide-scale violence.

The document examines Resource-for-Infrastructure (RFI) agreements, which allow resource-rich but credit-constrained developing countries to secure infrastructure funding by securitizing future mineral or oil revenues. Using the Sicomines deal in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as a case study, the author highlights the benefits of rapid investment and reduced embezzlement risks, while warning against high costs, poor quality, and a lack of transparency. The brief recommends increasing supply-side competition, implementing third-party quality controls, and adopting conservative risk calculations to improve the outcomes of such deals.

This research paper assesses South Africa's role as an emerging development partner in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Using the NeST analytical framework, it examines the scope and quality of South African initiatives in peace, security, and state-building. The study finds that South Africa is a significant development partner, often exceeding traditional OECD donors when measured relative to Gross National Income. While the partnership is characterized by high levels of trust and demand-driven support, it suffers from fragmented coordination, weak monitoring and evaluation systems, and a lack of clear strategic objectives. The document highlights specific contributions in electoral support, public sector reform, and infrastructure financing, while noting challenges such as political instability in the DRC and bureaucratic inefficiencies in South Africa.

The report examines the relationship between human migration and ecosystem degradation in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, focusing on case studies in Uganda, Ethiopia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. It argues that while migration is not the primary cause of environmental pressure, it acts as an exacerbating factor that increases habitat destruction and unsustainable resource use. The document provides a framework for conservationists to integrate migration trends into land-use planning and natural resource governance.

The document examines the application of human rights due diligence in the mineral supply chains of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), specifically focusing on 'conflict minerals' like tantalite, tin, tungsten, and gold. It reviews six major initiatives—including the OECD Guidance, the ICGLR Regional Certification Mechanism, and the iTSCi—concluding that their heavy reliance on traceability is insufficient to stop the financing of armed groups. The author argues that these frameworks are based on a reductionist 'resource curse' theory and fail to account for the informal nature of artisanal mining, weak state governance, and complex land ownership disputes. The paper highlights that such initiatives can lead to a de facto embargo on minerals, harming the livelihoods of artisanal miners. It concludes that sustainable management requires the meaningful inclusion of local stakeholders and a deeper understanding of the political and socio-economic drivers of conflict beyond mere economic profit.

The policy brief argues that peace agreements in the DRC, specifically the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and the Addis Ababa Framework Agreement (AAFA), reflect shifts in economic power between the eastern Kivus and the southern Katanga province. While early conflicts and the ICGLR were driven by the exploitation of coltan and other minerals in the east by Rwanda and Uganda, the subsequent rise of copper and cobalt investments in Katanga shifted geopolitical influence toward SADC states.

The report analyzes the failure of international interventions in the DRC's security sector between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the 'technocratic interpretation' of violence as a lack of state capacity ignored the neo-patrimonial nature of the Congolese state, where elites benefit from a fragmented and divided military (FARDC). While the 2013 defeat of the M23 rebellion provided a temporary success and a window for reform, the authors warn that the underlying political incentives for maintaining a weak, divided army remain strong. The report critiques the 'train and equip' model of SSR and the early phases of the International Security and Stabilization Support Strategy (ISSSS), suggesting that future efforts must move beyond technical fixes to address local community grievances and the opaque power structures in Kinshasa.

The document examines why international efforts to reform the security sector and stabilise the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 2003 and 2013 achieved limited impact. It argues that the FARDC is shaped by a neo-patrimonial system where political and military elites benefit from a fragmented army and weak state institutions to maintain patronage networks. International interventions, including the International Security and Stabilisation Support Strategy (ISSSS), were overly technical—focusing on 'train-and-equip' models—and failed to address the political root causes of violence. While the 2013 defeat of the M23 rebellion provided a temporary success and a window for reform, the authors caution that the underlying incentive structures remain largely unchanged.

The document analyzes the differing strategies of China and India in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). China employs a state-led approach, utilizing loans from the Export-Import Bank to secure mining assets and fund infrastructure in exchange for resources. India's engagement is characterized as more market-driven, with private companies operating in mining and telecommunications, though the Indian government provides some credit lines for power projects. While both are drivers of growth, the paper notes concerns regarding transparency, labor conditions, and environmental pollution associated with smaller firms from both nations.

Indian mining companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) operate on a small to medium scale compared to Western and Chinese firms, primarily growing through profit reinvestment rather than state or external capital. While companies like Rubamin, Chemaf, and Somika contribute to copper and cobalt output in Katanga, they face criticism over environmental pollution and labor conditions. Mining Mineral Resources (MMR) is strategically positioning itself as a producer of 'conflict-free' tin and tantalum through tagging and the construction of a domestic smelter. The primary risk to these operations is political instability following the departure of Katanga's governor, Moïse Katumbi.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

The document examines the cyclical nature of the copper and cobalt mining industries in Kolwezi, DRC, and how these fluctuations affect governance, social stability, and the environment. It highlights the state's weak capacity to manage mineral wealth, the tensions between industrial mining companies and artisanal miners, and the devastating socio-economic impact of the 2008 commodity price collapse.

The report analyzes the transition of the Democratic Republic of Congo toward a new political dispensation, focusing on the run-off election between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba. It highlights the fragility of the security situation in Kinshasa and the eastern provinces, the role of international forces like MONUC and EUFOR, and the risks posed by slow military reform and political intolerance. The document details the first-round results, the formation of political alliances, and provides four potential scenarios for the election outcome, emphasizing the need for the demobilization of candidate-specific security forces to prevent violence.

The Democratic Republic of Congo's first democratic elections in 40 years were largely peaceful, though logistical challenges and security threats persist in eastern provinces. While voter turnout was high, the slow counting process by the Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI) created political tension. The document outlines two primary scenarios: a first-round victory for a candidate with over 50% of the vote, or a second-round runoff likely between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba, which could lead to significant political alliances and potential instability.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition toward national elections scheduled for 2006. It details the legislative progress, the operational challenges of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and the critical role of security sector reform. The authors identify significant security threats from armed groups in Ituri, North Kivu, and Katanga, as well as political tensions involving the UDPS. Three scenarios are presented: a successful transition under the current '1+4' leadership, a transition with new leadership, or a total breakdown of order.

The notes detail the implementation of UN Resolution 1493, which strengthened MONUC's mandate in the DRC. Key discussions include the role of the International Committee to Accompany the Transition (CIAT), South Africa's Third Party Verification Mechanism (TPVM), and the challenges of transitioning from a war economy to a regulated state. The text also addresses the need for regional stability in the Great Lakes Region, the importance of Radio Okapi for national unification, and the complexities of holding democratic elections while managing a centralized power structure in Kinshasa.

The study finds that women living near ASM sites in Eastern DRC are more likely to experience both intimate partner sexual violence and sexual violence by others. This risk is particularly acute for women in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema living near mines controlled by armed actors.