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In 2025, African states navigated a multipolar landscape marked by a transactional US approach under the second Trump administration, which led to aid cuts and a push for domestic resource mobilisation in countries like Nigeria and Kenya. The AU-EU partnership faced skepticism over the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), while South Africa's hosting of the G20 Summit resulted in the G20 Africa Engagement Framework and proposals to reform sovereign credit rating practices. Geopolitical competition intensified in the Horn of Africa, exacerbated by Israel's recognition of Somaliland, and along the Lobito Corridor, where the US and EU compete with China to secure critical mineral supply chains and midstream processing capacity.

The document examines the role of the proposed UN Legally Binding Instrument (LBI) in addressing corporate impunity for environmental and human rights abuses. It argues that existing voluntary frameworks, such as the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, are inadequate because they lack enforceable obligations. The LBI is presented as a mechanism to turn the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment (RtHE) into actionable obligations, including strict liability for parent companies and extraterritorial jurisdiction. The text highlights specific cases of corporate harm in Uganda, Chile, Senegal, India, Brazil, Colombia, Serbia, Iraq, and the 'Lithium Triangle' to illustrate the need for binding regulation. It also discusses how recent Advisory Opinions from the International Court of Justice and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights reinforce the necessity of state-led regulation of private actors to prevent climate and environmental harm.

The document advocates for a legally binding international treaty to end corporate impunity for environmental and human rights abuses, highlighting the insufficiency of voluntary frameworks and the potential of the UN's Open-Ended Intergovernmental Working Group (OEIGWG) process to establish enforceable obligations, extraterritorial jurisdiction, and effective remedies for affected communities.

The analysis finds a very weak correlation between a country's institutional readiness and its citizens' perceived personal preparedness for extreme weather. While some countries like Vietnam show high levels of both, others like Armenia have high institutional readiness but low personal preparedness, and the Philippines shows high personal preparedness despite lower institutional readiness. The study emphasizes that climate resilience requires tailored strategies based on these distinct gaps, noting that 48 of the 68 examined countries rank in the bottom half of global institutional readiness.

Russia is attempting to leverage historical liberation-era ties and anti-Western rhetoric to maintain influence in Southern Africa, but faces significant constraints. While it maintains security cooperation and diplomatic links with several SADC members, its economic footprint remains modest, accounting for barely 1% of the region's external trade in 2024. The document highlights a gap between Moscow's symbolic gestures—such as debt forgiveness and limited grain shipments—and tangible developmental results, noting that sanctions and economic weakness hinder its ability to compete with China, the EU, and the US.

The document argues that the multilateral system, particularly the UN Security Council, is experiencing a 'rupture' characterized by paralysis and legitimacy deficits. While the AU seeks immediate structural changes—including permanent seats and veto power—the EU generally favors gradual procedural reforms. Despite these differences, the briefing identifies key areas of convergence: improving UNSC working methods, strengthening EU-AU-UN cooperation, and implementing UN Resolution 2719 to provide predictable financing for AU-led peace operations. It suggests that both continents must move beyond rhetorical alignment toward tangible delivery to maintain influence in a fragmented geopolitical order, especially given the US's increasing disengagement from international organizations.

The document examines Nigeria's potential to leverage transition minerals—such as lithium, nickel, and cobalt—to drive industrialization and fund climate action. It contrasts the current 'extract-and-export' model, which has left the mining sector contributing only about 0.3% to GDP, with a beneficiation strategy that could significantly increase revenue and create high-skilled jobs. The author highlights the global demand surge for these minerals and the geopolitical opportunity created by the concentration of processing in China. While the Nigerian government has introduced policies to mandate local processing and revoke dormant licenses, the paper notes that a lack of infrastructure and persistent governance deficits, including illegal mining and revenue leakages, remain primary obstacles.

The briefing identifies critical areas of focus for the 2026 Mining Indaba, specifically the impact of US, EU, and Chinese geopolitics on critical minerals, the struggle to establish domestic mineral value chains in Africa, the role of transport infrastructure like the Lobito Corridor, the viability of regional battery value chains between the DRC and Zambia, and the potential for engagement between the main event and the civil society-led Alternative Mining Indaba.

The report examines how the UAE and Saudi Arabia are emerging as primary financiers of clean energy in Africa, noting a shift toward multi-billion dollar renewable and hydrogen projects. While GCC investments are substantial, they are currently concentrated in a few low-risk markets like Egypt, Morocco, and South Africa. The authors argue that to maximize impact, the GCC should pivot toward funding transmission infrastructure, geothermal energy, methane abatement, and critical mineral refining across a broader range of African nations.

The research argues that Ethiopia, Senegal, and South Africa generally adopt a 'cautious' posture internationally—characterized by non-alignment and partnership diversification—while tending toward more 'assertive' approaches regionally. However, South Africa serves as a partial exception, exhibiting assertiveness internationally (notably regarding Gaza) and a more cautious or less effective approach regionally (such as in the DRC). The paper uses these cases to argue for a plural conception of 'African agencies' driven by national interest and the goal of strategic autonomy.

The research paper examines 'Africa+1' summits—high-level meetings between African nations and a single external power—as a strategic arena for geopolitical influence. It traces the evolution from early French-led summits to a 'second generation' involving Asian powers like Japan, China, India, and Turkey, and more recent engagement from Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Italy. The author argues that Africa's demographic growth and critical mineral wealth have increased its strategic value, allowing African states to exercise greater agency by leveraging rivalries between global powers. However, the document critiques the summit format as often being performative and asymmetric, noting a gap between multi-billion-dollar pledges and tangible results. It highlights proposals for reform, such as unified AU representation, to move toward more equitable partnerships.

South Africa holds approximately 80% of global Platinum Group Metals (PGMs), which are essential catalysts for PEM electrolysers and fuel cells used in green hydrogen production. While this provides a strategic opportunity for re-industrialisation and decarbonisation, the transition faces severe constraints, including an outdated electricity grid, water scarcity in high-resource areas, and a significant skills gap. The shift also threatens the coal and internal combustion engine automotive sectors, risking large-scale job losses in regions like Mpumalanga and the Eastern Cape. Geopolitically, South Africa must navigate competition between China and Western powers, particularly as the US has withdrawn support for the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP). The paper argues that for the transition to be 'just', the government must integrate mineral beneficiation with social safeguards, regional SADC integration, and comprehensive workforce reskilling.

The document examines how Chinese firms in Zimbabwe are coupling mining investments with energy infrastructure to overcome local power shortages and support mineral beneficiation, particularly in the lithium sector. While this model has increased Zimbabwe's lithium revenues from $70 million in 2022 to over $600 million in 2024, it has raised significant concerns regarding environmental degradation, lack of community consultation, and the risk of perpetuating an extractive 'pit-to-port' model where high-value refining remains in China.

The report examines how the insurance and reinsurance sectors are responding to intensifying climate disruptions in global supply chains. It identifies critical structural, market, and modelling limits that undermine the industry's ability to absorb systemic risk, noting a trend toward 'un-insurability' in high-risk regions. The author argues that without a shift from simple risk transfer to a stewardship model integrated with long-term adaptation and public-private coordination, the sector may amplify rather than stabilize economic volatility.

The document argues that climate justice is unattainable without 'communication justice'—the ability of all people to access, share, and be heard in public discourse. It highlights how digital divides, language barriers, and coordinated disinformation campaigns by the fossil fuel industry undermine climate action. Through case studies in Zimbabwe and the Amazon, it advocates for blending AI and digital tools with indigenous knowledge and community-led media to build resilience. The text calls for mandatory information integrity standards and a shift toward 'constructive journalism' to combat climate fatigue and empower vulnerable populations in the Global South.

The document details the global copper market, highlighting Chile as the top producer and China's dominance in refining and consumption. It examines the transition to electric vehicles as a demand driver, the challenges of end-of-life recycling, and the environmental risks associated with copper production, particularly water scarcity in producing regions.

The report forecasts that COVID-19 will significantly hinder Africa's progress toward the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, particularly in eliminating extreme poverty. Depending on the recovery scenario (V, U, or L), the number of Africans living in extreme poverty by 2030 is projected to increase to between 607 million and 640 million. The analysis highlights a severe short-term shock in 2020, with an additional 14 million people falling below the US$1.90 poverty threshold. Economic consequences include an expected increase in debt by 5 to 9 percentage points of GDP and a heightened dependence on international aid due to domestic economic contraction. The most negatively affected countries are identified as Nigeria, the DR Congo, Ethiopia, Niger, and Tanzania. Other SDG targets, including undernutrition, infant mortality, and education completion rates, are also expected to deteriorate or miss targets further.

The ARE Energy Access Investment Forum 2026 brought together 1,400 participants from 87 countries to discuss renewable electrification. Key outcomes included the launch of the USD 25m ASCENT Project Preparation Facility by COMESA and a GDP 14m contribution from the UK's FCDO to the Sustainable Energy Fund for Africa in the DRC. The forum highlighted systemic gaps in capital allocation for small African-led firms and the need to shift from supply-led to demand-led skills training for the green transition.

The Living Planet Report 2026 highlights a 73% average decline in monitored vertebrate populations between 1970 and 2022, while emphasizing that targeted conservation has successfully recovered species like tigers and green sea turtles. It identifies the energy, food, and financial systems as the primary drivers of nature loss and argues that while the energy transition has reached an 'accelerating' phase, the food and finance systems remain in an 'enabling' phase. The report calls for a whole-of-society approach, including the recognition of Indigenous Peoples' rights and the redirection of trillions in harmful subsidies, to trigger positive tipping points by 2030.

The document details the disclosure of environmental and social management frameworks for the GOCAB sub-project in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire. It confirms that the sub-project is classified as GCF Financial Intermediary FI-2 (Category B) and that no land acquisition or impacts on Indigenous Peoples are expected. The report provides links to the Environmental and Social Management Framework (ESMF) and specifies that the final investment decision is scheduled for February 4, 2026.