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The research paper examines 'le glissement' (slippage), the strategy used by President Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo to delay elections and extend his mandate beyond December 2016. The author argues that Kabila's appointment of a non-inclusive government and his disregard for the December 2016 agreement have fueled widespread demonstrations and insecurity. This instability creates a cycle that further justifies electoral delays. The document critiques the UN Security Council's decision to reduce MONUSCO troop levels despite rising violence in the Kasai and eastern regions, and notes that while South Africa has the logistical experience and diplomatic ties to assist, its commitment to non-interference and close relationship with Kabila may hinder its effectiveness as a mediator.

Scott Vaughan argues that traditional GDP is an insufficient measure for the circular economy because it ignores resource savings and environmental damage. He advocates for 'beyond GDP' accounts, such as the Comprehensive Wealth framework, to highlight the economic necessity of resource efficiency. Vaughan also discusses the potential for job growth in the circular economy, particularly in the EU and Denmark, while warning that automation in mining may displace workers in developing countries. Finally, he calls for the removal of fiscal incentives that encourage raw material extraction over recycling and promotes the use of green bonds and clean finance to support the transition.

The report finds that the UK-to-Africa remittance market is heavily cash-based, with cash-to-cash transfers accounting for approximately 90% of flows. While digital MTOs and payment hubs offer more competitive pricing, their impact is limited by a 'stickiness of cash' among UK migrants and a lack of digital payment infrastructure and formal identification in African receive markets. The authors argue that digitising the entire value chain is the only way to significantly drive down costs. Key recommendations for donors include researching consumer behavior in the UK, promoting non-cash transfers, piloting access for UK providers to the SADC Integrated Regional Settlement System (SIRESS), and supporting the expansion of remittance hubs in FCAS.

The report argues that the UN Security Council has historically prioritised reactive conflict management and peacekeeping over prevention. It identifies significant hurdles to operationalising prevention, including a lack of unified definitions, budgetary discrepancies, and organisational fragmentation. The authors recommend establishing concrete implementation strategies, improving coordination between UN organs and the African Union, and shifting toward structural prevention that addresses the root causes of conflict.

The report analyzes the shift in South African foreign policy from Thabo Mbeki's multilateralism and 'African Renaissance' to Jacob Zuma's focus on the BRICS grouping and bilateral relations. It argues that while BRICS membership was a pragmatic move, the Zuma era was marked by a decline in moral authority, domestic instability, and a disconnect between 'high politics' (pro-China/Russia) and 'low politics' (trade dominance of the EU and US). The author recommends that future leadership prioritize regional integration in Africa, develop regional value chains, and restore a commitment to a rules-based international system to drive domestic economic growth.

The paper examines Tanzania's strategic potential as a maritime hub, focusing on the Dar es Salaam Port and the Central and Dar es Salaam corridors. It highlights significant infrastructure deficits, particularly in the rail sector, and evaluates the role of public-private partnerships (PPPs) and foreign direct investment (FDI) in bridging the finance gap. The author argues that while port upgrades are progressing, the dilapidated state of railways undermines regional competitiveness. The document concludes with recommendations to prioritise the repair of existing narrow-gauge railways, improve PPP management, and implement targeted strategies to ensure that infrastructure investments translate into local skills transfer and employment.

The document examines the governance of Africa's extractive sectors, arguing that while the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) provides a valuable multi-stakeholder framework for revenue transparency, it must be complemented by national laws and regional cooperation to ensure true accountability. It highlights the gap between revenue disclosure and social spending, the challenges of beneficial ownership transparency, and the impact of political will on implementation. Case studies of Nigeria, Tanzania, and Zambia illustrate the varied success of institutionalising transparency and the persistent issues of reporting delays and exclusionary governance.

The document highlights the ICC's role in providing both retributive and restorative justice, citing the first individual financial compensation awarded to victims of the 2003 Bogoro village attack in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It emphasizes the importance of the Trust Fund for Victims (TFV), which implements court-ordered reparations and provides material and psychological assistance. Since 2008, the TFV has supported over 45,000 direct victims and 300,000 beneficiaries, operating in Northern Uganda and Eastern DRC. The author contends that despite legitimacy concerns, the ICC remains the only viable permanent instrument for such justice, and any decision to withdraw must prioritize the needs of victims.

Angola is undergoing a critical presidential transition amid a severe financial crisis and rising social discontent. The report argues that the state's stability has relied on four unsustainable pillars: a centralized presidency, oil-funded patronage via Sonangol, instrumentalized foreign relations, and a securitized society. With plummeting oil prices and high debt—particularly to China—the ruling MPLA party faces internal factionalism and a strengthened opposition, primarily UNITA. The author contends that the incoming president, João Lourenço, must implement deep economic diversification and security sector reforms to avoid mass unrest or further authoritarianism.

The document assesses the financial links between natural resource extraction and violent extremism in Africa, finding that while the LRA relies heavily on ivory and the Janjaweed on gold, al-Shabaab primarily funds itself through charcoal taxation, and Boko Haram derives little to no revenue from resource extraction.

The document critiques the OECD's proposed Total Official Support for Sustainable Development (TOSSD) metric, arguing it is a tool for wealthy nations to inflate their contributions to the Sustainable Development Goals without binding commitments. The author highlights concerns over the inclusion of non-concessional loans, in-donor costs, and the misappropriation of 'mutual benefit' rhetoric from South-South cooperation. It suggests that instead of a new composite measure, the OECD should focus on ensuring donors meet the 0.7% GNI target for ODA and improving statistical capacities in recipient countries.

The European Investment Bank (EIB) is requesting USD 265 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF)—USD 250 million for an investment vehicle and USD 15 million for a technical assistance facility—to launch GEEREF NeXt. Structured as a fund-of-funds, the programme aims for a total size of USD 750 million, blending GCF public seed capital with USD 500 million in private sector finance. The programme targets the development, construction, and operation of renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE) projects in emerging markets, expecting to finance over 200 projects and add up to 18 GW of clean energy capacity. By using a two-tier capital structure with a 'first-loss' mechanism for public capital, GEEREF NeXt intends to mitigate risk for private investors and achieve a projected 50x multiplier, potentially mobilising USD 30 billion in total project financing. The programme will be managed by the EIB Group, leveraging the experience of its predecessor, the Global Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Fund (GEEREF).

The document examines the DRC's energy crisis, characterized by an 11% electricity access rate and a heavy reliance on traditional biomass. It analyzes the complexities of the Grand Inga hydropower project, including financial hurdles, governance failures within the state utility SNEL, and socio-environmental concerns. The author argues for a 'two-track strategy' that combines large-scale hydro with diversified, small-scale renewable energy sources (RES) such as solar, wind, and geothermal, supported by the 2014 electricity law to attract private investment. Regionally, the paper highlights the role of the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) and the potential for the DRC to act as a strategic energy hub for Southern, Central, and Eastern Africa.

The report highlights that illegal harvesting of CITES-listed species occurs in over 25% of all natural and mixed World Heritage sites, threatening biodiversity and the 'outstanding universal value' of these areas. It identifies a gap in the current approach: the World Heritage Convention is site-focused, while CITES operates at the national level. To address this, the report proposes a coordinated value-chain response involving source, transit, and consumer countries, alongside the integration of monitoring and reporting systems. Case studies from Indonesia, Madagascar, the DRC, and Thailand illustrate the devastating impact of poaching and illegal logging, as well as the potential for success through community engagement and inter-agency cooperation.

The document analyzes the socio-ecological tensions arising from the Ethiopian government's plan to extract coal from the Yayu Coffee Forest Biosphere Reserve to produce electricity and chemical fertilizers. While the government views coal as a means to modernize agriculture and reduce fertilizer imports, the author highlights significant risks to the unique wild Coffea arabica populations and the livelihoods of local communities. Key impacts identified include the physical displacement of farmers, loss of biodiversity, and disruption of traditional land-use systems. The brief argues that current mining activities, though limited in scale, could cause irreversible damage if expanded without comprehensive mitigation, transparent re-investigation of impacts, and a harmonized policy approach that integrates biodiversity management with extractive industry goals.

The research examines the role of emerging donors, specifically South Africa and Turkey, in peacebuilding within fragile states. It finds that while these providers often deliver more resources and exhibit greater flexibility and respect for national sovereignty than traditional donors, they lack a coherent theory of change and struggle with internal coordination and transparency. The study highlights a tension between the rhetoric of solidarity and the reality of strategic economic interests, such as trade and energy potential.

The report examines the distinct challenges of financial market development in fragility-affected states in Africa (FASA), where financial exclusion is significantly higher than in non-fragile sub-Saharan African countries. It advocates for a 'market systems' or 'M4P' approach based on facilitation and adaptive management rather than direct implementation. Key priorities identified include the development of functional identification solutions, risk-based tiered KYC regulations, and the scaling of promising practices such as Islamic finance, refugee/IDP finance, and impact investing. The document emphasizes that systemic change in these volatile contexts requires long-term commitment, a high tolerance for risk, and a deep understanding of local political economy and conflict dynamics.

The Reporting for Results-based REDD+ (RRR+) project is a joint initiative by the Coalition for Rainforest Nations (CfRN) and the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) running from 2017 to 2019. It aims to help 21 tropical and subtropical forest countries develop the technical and institutional capacity to create accurate greenhouse gas inventories for the agriculture, forestry, and other land use (AFOLU) sectors. This capacity is essential for countries to submit reports to the UNFCCC and unlock results-based REDD+ payments. The project provides tailored training based on IPCC methods, supports the submission of National Communications and Biennial Update Reports, and promotes gender equality in natural resource management.

The document forecasts that Africa's population will grow to over 1.8 billion by 2035, potentially compounding poverty if economic growth and job creation do not keep pace. While economic growth is expected, it will be heterogeneous, with oil-dependent nations remaining vulnerable to price shocks. The region faces significant infrastructure gaps, particularly in electricity and water, and rapid urbanisation that may increase social instability. Despite a rise in riots and protests, high-fatality violence is lower than in the 1990s. Popular support for democracy remains strong, although actual democratic governance remains fragile and limited in scope.

The report examines arms brokering practices and national legislation in 12 Southern African countries, including Angola, Botswana, DRC, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe. It finds that most of these states lack specific domestic laws to regulate brokers, leaving them vulnerable to illicit trafficking and sanctions-busting. While South Africa and Mauritius have established comprehensive brokering controls, others rely on outdated laws or general criminal codes. The document emphasizes the role of regional frameworks like the SADC Protocol and international treaties such as the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and the UN Programme of Action (UNPoA) in closing legislative loopholes and improving cross-border cooperation.