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The report analyzes the fragmented state of Libya, characterized by a stalemate between General Khalifa Haftar's Libyan National Army (LNA) and the UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA). It details how the conflict has evolved into a proxy war involving regional powers like Turkey, Egypt, the UAE, and Russia, and examines the resulting humanitarian crises, including mass migration and the resurgence of jihadist networks. Additionally, it highlights the geopolitical tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean triggered by a maritime delimitation agreement between Turkey and the GNA.

The report argues that a solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by expanding market access, increasing productivity, and attracting investment. Using sectoral and total factor productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors project that a settlement could increase the total GDP by between €11 billion and €17.4 billion over 20 years compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong inclusive institutions, technical transition periods, and a concerted effort to close the gender gap in the workforce, particularly in the Turkish Cypriot community. Additionally, it assesses the financial viability of property restitution, suggesting that a significant portion of compensation costs could be covered by the increased state revenues generated by the peace dividend.

The report argues that a political solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by creating a unified market, improving productivity, and opening access to the EU and Turkish markets. Using sectoral and Total Factor Productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors estimate that a solution could increase the total GDP by between 11 billion and 17.4 billion Euros by 2040 compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services, with wholesale and retail trade expected to benefit most from chain effects. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong institutions, gender equality, and a sustainable financing model for property compensation.

The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

The report examines how environmental issues in Cyprus can either exacerbate conflict or serve as a tool for peacebuilding. It analyzes the political, legal, and administrative asymmetries between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration, highlighting how these divisions hinder holistic ecosystem management. The document details various levels of cooperation, from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to academic networks and grassroots movements. It specifically evaluates the roles of the Cyprus Environmental Forum (CESF) and the Bicommunal Technical Committee for the Environment (BTCE). The report concludes with proposals for sustainable bi-communal initiatives, including the establishment of a Peace Park in the buffer zone, UNESCO Biosphere Reserves, and a bi-communal ecological study center in Varisea.

The report examines environmental cooperation in Cyprus, highlighting how political division creates administrative and legal asymmetries that hinder nature conservation. It analyzes various levels of cooperation—from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to civil society and technical committees—and proposes specific peace-building measures such as a Buffer Zone Peace Park and UNESCO Biosphere Reserves.

The report examines the state of higher education in divided Cyprus, finding that while universities have grown rapidly on both sides, intercommunal academic cooperation remains negligible. It identifies the lack of official recognition of Turkish Cypriot universities by the Republic of Cyprus as a primary structural barrier, alongside political pressures and the risk of being labeled a 'traitor'. The authors argue that while individual academics may be willing to collaborate, institutional cooperation is blocked by state policies. The report suggests several policy interventions, including the creation of a shared digital database of researchers, funding for joint research in non-political fields, and the establishment of a technical committee for higher education to signal political approval for cooperation.

The document outlines how Turkey, under the AKP, has shifted its foreign policy to emphasize historical, cultural, and religious links with 'kin communities' (akraba topluluklar) across Europe, the Middle East, and the Eastern Mediterranean. It defines the conceptual overlap between diaspora and kin-politics and describes the transition from a racial-ethnic national identity to an 'Islamic-Turkish synthesis' that views Turkey as a 'core country' for the global Muslim community (ummah). The text introduces case studies on Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine to analyze how this policy of 'spiritual boundaries' affects host countries and the communities themselves.

The document analyzes the historical shift in Turkey's relationship with Cyprus, moving from a period of 'national excitement' and securitization to a more paternalistic and neoliberal approach under the AKP government. It details how Turkish Cypriots, once seen as 'blood brothers', are increasingly perceived by some in Turkey as 'ungrateful' or 'degenerate' due to secularism and a perceived lack of religious identity. The authors also examine the role of Turkish settlers in north Cyprus, who have become targets of AKP diaspora politics, creating new political polarizations on the island.

The report evaluates the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR) as a tool for liberal peace-building in Cyprus. While legally successful in providing a basis for movement across the divide, it has been only partially successful in generating economic activity. This failure is attributed to design flaws in the GLR and domestic legal, political, and psychological barriers.

The document introduces a collective volume analyzing the shifting security and geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. It identifies four primary drivers of change: hydrocarbon discoveries, geopolitical antagonisms (particularly involving Turkey), new human security imperatives resulting from Middle Eastern instability, and increased interest from external powers like the US, Russia, and China. The text focuses on the formation of trilateral partnerships (Cyprus-Greece-Israel and Cyprus-Egypt-Greece) as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and explores how these alliances intersect with energy security and the broader refugee crisis affecting Southern Europe.

The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The paper analyzes the dual perception of the Mediterranean as both a 'threatening' and 'bridging' sea. It details the transition of Turkey from the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic based on a constructed Hittite identity, and compares this to Israel's own nation-building. The author argues that Israel, Greece, and Cyprus share common interests as small non-Muslim states facing external coercion and the decline of Middle Eastern Christianity, leading to increased military and intelligence cooperation.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The report examines the role of socially engaged art in bridging ethnic and social divisions in Cyprus, emphasizing its capacity to foster empathy and inter-community contact. It maps various Cypriot initiatives—ranging from bi-communal theatre and visual arts collaborations to urban design projects—and compares them with experiences in South Africa, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Northern Ireland, and Brazil. The author argues that while art cannot resolve political conflicts alone, it creates essential 'contact zones' for relationship building. The document concludes with policy recommendations to shift from elitist art frameworks toward grassroots, community-based cultural policies that utilize public spaces and crossing points to reinforce peace.

This briefing, prepared by the United States for the twenty-sixth meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI), recommends that Future Earth be invited to become an Associate of the Institute under Article XI of the Agreement Establishing the IAI.

The United States of America recommends that the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) invite the international NGO Future Earth to become an Associate under Article XI of its Agreement. The briefing highlights Future Earth's global research network, its existing Memorandum of Understanding with the IAI signed in 2017, and their joint work through the Belmont Forum and various policy processes to advance sustainability and transdisciplinary research in the Americas.

The report analyzes how Turkey's domestic transformation and regional foreign policy influence the security perceptions of Greek-Cypriots. It distinguishes between official perceptions, which prioritize military and state security, and non-official perceptions, which place greater emphasis on political and economic stability. The author argues that while Turkey is viewed as a primary existential threat, addressing broader human security concerns could provide a path for inter-communal collaboration in Cyprus.