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The National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (SNGCC) of the Central African Republic (2023–2030) aims to institutionalize a gender and social inclusion approach across all climate actions. It identifies agriculture and water resources as the most vulnerable sectors and outlines five strategic axes: governance and financing, sector-specific actions, capacity building, communication, and the empowerment of women and vulnerable groups. The strategy includes a detailed action plan with 31 priority activities for 2023–2026, budgeted at 351 million FCFA (approximately 575,000 USD), to be co-managed by the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development and the Ministry for the Promotion of Gender.

The document evaluates the integration of gender analysis into National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) in nine countries between 2017 and 2022. It finds that such analyses improve knowledge, shift policies, enhance institutional collaboration, and can facilitate climate finance. The report emphasizes that for gender analysis to be effective, it requires high-level political ownership, diverse stakeholder engagement, and strategic, concrete recommendations that extend beyond the planning phase into implementation and monitoring.

The document examines the application of gender analyses within the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes of nine countries between 2017 and 2022. It identifies four primary impact areas: changes in policy (such as the integration of gender-specific actions in NAPs), improvements in knowledge and practice (including targeted training), enhanced collaboration between gender and climate ministries, and increased investment in gender-responsive adaptation. The briefing concludes that while gender analyses provide a critical foundation for equitable adaptation, their impact is maximized when there is high-level ownership, diverse stakeholder engagement, proactive dissemination, and ongoing technical support beyond the initial reporting phase.

A review of 41 multisector NAP documents reveals that transboundary climate risks are sporadically mentioned and lack a systematic approach, with most references limited to shared ecosystems like river basins. The document argues that the dominance of place-based adaptation and state sovereignty norms hinder the integration of cross-border risks, and recommends leveraging intergovernmental organizations and territorial framing to improve regional collaboration.

The document assesses the impact of gender analyses on National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes in nine countries, identifying how these tools influence policy, knowledge, collaboration, and investment. It highlights that while gender analyses often lead to the creation of specific gender-climate strategies and the integration of gender-disaggregated data into NAPs, their effectiveness depends on high-level political ownership, inclusive stakeholder participation, and continuous dissemination of results.

The document assesses the application of gender analyses within the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes of nine countries between 2017 and 2022. It identifies four primary types of impact: policy changes, improved collaboration, evolution of knowledge and practices, and increased investment. The analysis highlights that while gender analyses often inform high-level planning documents and national strategies, their effectiveness depends on high-level political ownership, diverse stakeholder engagement, proactive dissemination of results, and the formulation of concrete, actionable recommendations tailored to specific NAP entry points.

The research paper examines the role of the Wagner Group and other private military contractors (PMCs) in Africa, highlighting their involvement in human rights abuses, the smuggling of mineral resources to fund the Russian state, and the use of disinformation campaigns to undermine democratic processes and Western influence. It notes that PMCs provide 'plausible deniability' for states to conduct criminal warfare and argues that the African Union's failure to implement existing anti-mercenary frameworks hampers regional peace and security.

The conflict in Sudan, which escalated in April 2023 between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's army and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo's Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is driven by a struggle for power and control over resources. This instability threatens regional security, specifically regarding the Nile River dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), and risks destabilising fragile neighbours like Chad and the Central African Republic. Internationally, the crisis intersects with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 tourism goals and Russia's strategic interests, including a proposed naval base in Port Sudan and gold extraction by the Wagner Group. The author argues that lasting peace requires a long-term approach involving power-sharing and the gradual integration of armed groups into the national army.

The document evaluates the state of governance in Africa using indices such as the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). It finds that while some progress has been made in 'voice and accountability', overall governance trends have remained static or declined since 1996. The analysis suggests that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvement than non-members, the number of reviews undergone does not definitively correlate with better scores. The author argues that both the APRM and the AGR suffer from a lack of implementation of their recommendations and that the AGR risks duplicating the APRM's efforts.

The document examines national investment laws as versatile policy instruments, tracing their shift from national development tools (1950-1979) to mechanisms for incorporating international treaty standards (1980-2010). It identifies seven primary functions of contemporary investment laws: regulating admission, administering incentives, facilitating investment, providing legal protection, managing disputes, specifying investor obligations, and supervising investments. The report argues against a 'one-size-fits-all' model, suggesting instead that laws be designed based on a country's specific policy objectives and regulatory capacity. It provides a detailed framework for policymakers to evaluate existing laws and design new ones, emphasizing the need to reduce legal risks associated with investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and inefficient tax incentives.

The policy brief identifies three primary drivers of food insecurity in Africa: limits to agricultural land, limits to agricultural productivity, and climate change effects. It highlights a steady decline in arable land per capita from 0.31 in 1990 to 0.2 in 2020, alongside severe productivity gaps where African farmers use only 8kg of fertiliser per hectare compared to 140kg in Asia and Latin America. The document calls on the G20 to provide financial and technical support for soil mapping, small-scale irrigation, the Africa Fertilizer Financing Mechanism, and the commercialisation of quality seeds to help the continent meet UN Sustainable Development Goals and AU Agenda 2063 targets.

The document evaluates the impact of AU governance tools, finding that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvements than non-members, neither the APRM nor the AGR has fundamentally reversed a general trend of stagnation or decline in African governance since 1996. It highlights a lack of resilience in governance scores following shocks and argues that the focus of these mechanisms must shift from providing recommendations to ensuring their implementation.

The report analyzes 41 multisectoral National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) to explore their role in managing loss and damage. It finds that while nearly half of NAPs explicitly mention loss and damage and almost all incorporate disaster risk management, there are significant gaps in addressing non-economic losses and irreversible impacts. The authors argue that NAPs are essential tools for minimizing loss and damage and recommend that international funding and planning for loss and damage build upon existing NAP risk assessments and institutional frameworks.

The report analyzes 41 multisectoral NAPs to determine the extent to which they integrate loss and damage (L&D) information and actions. It argues that NAPs are fundamental tools for minimizing L&D through adaptation and disaster risk management, though they often lack detailed analysis of irreversible impacts and non-economic losses. The authors propose a 'spectrum' approach to L&D—ranging from avoidance (mitigation) to minimization (adaptation/DRR) and addressing (humanitarian response/reparations)—and recommend that international financing mechanisms leverage existing NAP risk assessments to avoid duplication and ensure climate justice.

The report analyzes 41 multisectoral National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) to assess their integration of loss and damage (L&D) strategies. It finds that while nearly half of NAPs explicitly mention L&D and almost all include disaster risk management (DRM) components, there is a significant gap in addressing non-economic losses and irreversible impacts. The document proposes a 'spectrum' approach to L&D, ranging from avoidance (mitigation) and minimization (adaptation/DRR) to remediation (humanitarian response and reparations). It recommends that governments and international funders leverage existing NAP risk analyses as a starting point for L&D assessments and ensure that new L&D financing targets impacts that exceed adaptation limits to avoid duplicating existing adaptation efforts.

The document reports that 2022 was the deadliest year for state-based conflicts in Africa since 1989, primarily due to the war in Ethiopia. While non-state conflicts are the most common type of conflict in the region, they have generally been less severe in terms of battle-related deaths than state-based conflicts. The brief also highlights a worrying trend of one-sided violence by governments and a series of military coups in Central and West Africa between 2020 and 2023.

The document examines how African nations have navigated the Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting a preference for non-alignment driven by historical grievances with Western leadership and strategic national interests. It details the varied voting patterns of African states at the UN General Assembly, the potential for Africa to fill Europe's energy gap through gas and critical minerals, and the risks posed by great-power competition to regional security, particularly in the Sahel.

The document analyzes Russia's strategic pivot toward Africa as a means to diversify partners and evade Western sanctions following the invasion of Ukraine. It identifies three primary pillars of engagement: economic interests in mining, energy, and agriculture; geopolitical efforts to undermine Western influence in the Sahel and Mediterranean; and the promotion of multipolarity to challenge US-led unipolarity. While Africa is described as a 'policy tool' rather than a central priority, Russia leverages its lack of colonial history and non-conditional military support to gain influence among African states.

The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) first two decades, highlighting a significant gap between the creation of ambitious normative and institutional frameworks and their actual implementation. While the AU has succeeded in establishing a continental legal order and promoting multi-party democracy, it struggles with institutional incapacity, over-reliance on external funding, and a lack of political will among member states to cede sovereignty. Key areas of analysis include the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and the role of women and youth in governance. The authors argue that for the AU to achieve the goals of Agenda 2063, it must shift from a state-centric model to a people-driven organization, enhance its self-reliance, and translate its existing norms into tangible outcomes.

The document examines the 'regionalisation' of peacekeeping in Africa, noting that troops from countries bordering crisis zones now constitute a significant portion of UN and AU missions. While these countries possess local knowledge, the authors argue that their involvement often prioritises national interests and 'collective defence'—the alliance against identified enemies—over the 'collective security' goal of addressing root causes. This shift is characterised by extreme militarisation and a lack of political strategy, which the authors suggest erodes the principles of impartiality and neutrality in peacekeeping.