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The Center for International Environmental Law asserts that ocean protection is impossible without confronting the expansion of offshore oil and gas, which it identifies as the primary driver of the climate crisis. The organization calls on governments at the 11th Our Ocean Conference in Kenya to halt new offshore licensing, end public subsidies for expansion, and reject speculative marine geoengineering technologies that risk irreversible ecosystem damage. It further argues that states have binding legal duties under international law to prevent climate harm and protect the marine environment, which necessitates a coordinated phaseout of fossil fuel demand and supply.

At the 2026 African Development Bank (AfDB) Annual Meetings, Recourse is calling for a shift in development finance to prioritise equitable renewable energy access and a just transition across Africa. The organisation demands a dedicated financing window for decentralised renewable energy (DRE), targeting at least 30% of energy access financing by 2027, and urges the Bank to halt all LNG and fossil gas financing. Recourse also advocates for grant-based and concessional public finance to prevent increasing debt distress and calls for stronger protections for communities affected by energy and extractive projects.

A coalition of NGOs denounces TotalEnergies' plan to restart the $20 billion Mozambique LNG project, citing a 'deep contempt' for local communities and the environment. The organizations highlight that the project's resumption is contingent on the Mozambican government approving a revised budget that includes $4.5 billion in additional costs incurred during the force majeure period. The statement further alleges severe human rights abuses, including the 'container massacre' and torture of civilians, and calls on financial institutions—including Crédit Agricole, Société Générale, and various export credit agencies—to withdraw their support.

A coalition of civil society organisations condemns TotalEnergies' plan to restart the USD 20 billion Mozambique LNG project. The organisations highlight that the restart is conditional on the Mozambican government approving a revised budget that includes USD 4.5 billion in incremental costs incurred during the force majeure period. The statement warns that the project's 'fortress' security model increases the vulnerability of local populations to an ongoing regional insurgency and recalls allegations of serious human rights abuses, including the 'container massacre' and torture of civilians on the gas site. The coalition calls on financial institutions, including export credit agencies and banks, to withdraw their support for the project due to these environmental, social, and financial risks.

A coalition of NGOs, including Reclaim Finance and Friends of the Earth France, is urging banks to withdraw support for gas projects in Mozambique, specifically citing the 'fortress strategy' of TotalEnergies and the ongoing instability in Cabo Delgado.

A coalition of civil society organisations, including Reclaim Finance and Justiça Ambiental!, condemns the push by companies like TotalEnergies, ENI, and ExxonMobil to advance gas projects in Mozambique. They argue that restarting these projects, specifically the Mozambique LNG project, ignores unresolved community grievances and escalates security risks in Cabo Delgado. The organisations call on over 30 financial institutions, including Crédit Agricole and Standard Chartered, to withdraw support to avoid complicity in human rights abuses and environmental destruction.

The research paper asserts that while the 2024 general elections sparked unrest, the primary drivers of protest in Mozambique are declining living standards, high youth unemployment, and systemic corruption under the Frelimo party. It highlights a rise in poverty from 46% to 65% over the last decade and the lasting impact of the $2.2 billion hidden debt scandal. The author notes a shift in public action, with citizens increasingly protesting against private sector entities, such as Kenmare, TotalEnergies, and Desheng Port, over land rights and infrastructure failures. The paper concludes that stability requires a genuine dialogue including opposition figure Venâncio Mondlane, warning that continued instability could disrupt regional trade via Maputo Port.

The document serves as a practical toolkit for Mozambican communities to safeguard traditional knowledge through legal mechanisms like Geographic Indicators (GIs) and Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) regulations. It details the process of forming producer associations for GI registration, negotiating Prior Informed Consent (PIC) for research, and developing Community Protocols to govern interactions with outsiders. The guide emphasizes the role of knowledge holders in maintaining secrecy and the importance of tiered cost-sharing models to make legal protections accessible to vulnerable community members.

The policy brief assesses the failure of the Mozambican government's military-first strategy in Cabo Delgado, noting that despite interventions by Rwanda and SADC, the insurgency persists and has expanded in 2025. It identifies local grievances—including youth unemployment, religious discrimination, and economic displacement—as primary drivers of recruitment. The author advocates for a multi-level dialogue approach involving community leaders and civil society to address these root causes, while critiquing the government's tendency to frame the conflict as 'international terrorism' to avoid negotiation.

The document argues that financial institutions should cease support for the Mozambique LNG project due to severe human rights violations, political instability, and resettlement failures. It highlights reports of a 2021 massacre of civilians by security forces linked to the project and describes a climate of state repression and electoral violence in Mozambique. The authors call for an independent international investigation by bodies such as the OHCHR and demand that financiers withhold further funding until accountability is established.

The research paper analyzes the withdrawal of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) from Cabo Delgado on 15 July 2024, arguing that the exit was driven by financial constraints and poor coordination rather than security improvements. It highlights that the insurgency, involving groups like Ahlu Sunnah Waljama’a and linked to ISIS, is fueled by a complex mix of religious extremism, poverty, unemployment, and state violence. The author contends that the withdrawal may have created a security void, as attacks have increased in 2024, and argues that military intervention alone is insufficient without addressing the root governance failures and economic inequalities in Mozambique.

NGOs are demanding an international investigation into reports that Mozambican security forces committed massacres, torture, and sexual violence near the Mozambique LNG project site between July and September 2021. The statement highlights TotalEnergies' controversial relationship with the Mozambican military and calls on financial institutions to cease their support for the project due to severe human rights and environmental risks.

A group of NGOs, including Reclaim Finance and Friends of the Earth, is demanding an official investigation into reports of a massacre of civilians by Mozambican public security forces near TotalEnergies' premises in 2021. The NGOs highlight the company's financial and equipment ties to the Mozambican army and argue that financial institutions supporting the project must address these human rights risks.

The report analyzes Mozambique's development prospects through 2043 using the International Futures (IFs) modeling platform. It finds that under the current trajectory, Mozambique is unlikely to meet most of its national development goals due to governance failures, infrastructure gaps, and low agricultural productivity. While liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects are expected to boost GDP, they are not projected to significantly reduce extreme poverty without broader structural reforms. The report evaluates eight sectoral scenarios, concluding that infrastructure investment has the highest impact on GDP growth, while a combined approach across all sectors—including agriculture, governance, and trade—offers the most substantial improvements in poverty reduction and per capita income.

The report examines the risks associated with LNG export projects in Mozambique, particularly those involving the European Union. It finds that these projects have caused social displacement, environmental damage, and increased sovereign debt without delivering promised economic development. The authors argue that the 'gas for development' narrative is unsupported by evidence, as Cabo Delgado's socio-economic conditions have worsened since gas discoveries. Financial risks include volatile global gas prices, declining long-term demand due to the energy transition, and contractual designs that delay government revenues until the 2030s. Furthermore, the report highlights an erosion of sovereignty through investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms and the prioritization of infrastructure security over civilian protection. It recommends that Mozambique reassess operational projects, halt new LNG developments, and prioritize sustainable economic diversification.

The document argues that the Mozambique LNG project is disastrous, citing fatal human rights failures during the 2021 Palma attack, the displacement of hundreds of families without adequate compensation, and the continued instability in Cabo Delgado. It claims the project offers little economic benefit to Mozambique, utilizes tax avoidance schemes, and threatens local biodiversity and global climate goals by producing billions of tonnes of CO2 equivalent over its lifecycle. The authors call on financing banks and agencies to conduct an independent reassessment and cease support for this and other planned gas projects in Mozambique.

The document argues that the Mozambique LNG project is irresponsible and harmful, citing the failure of TotalEnergies and the Mozambican government to address conflict drivers in Cabo Delgado, the displacement of families, and the project's significant contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions. It calls for financial institutions to cancel their support and conduct independent reassessments.

The document examines Africa's natural gas landscape, noting that while the continent holds approximately 10% of global proven gas reserves, a lack of domestic infrastructure means most production is destined for export. It highlights a potential global LNG supply glut starting in mid-2025 and 2026, which may lower prices and profits for exporters. Key reserves are concentrated in Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, while new discoveries are emerging in countries like Mozambique and Senegal. Specific large-scale projects are detailed for Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mozambique, and Tanzania.

The document analyzes the role of women in Mozambique's conflicts and the subsequent DDR processes. It contrasts the 1992 program, which largely ignored female combatants, with the 2019 program, which expanded benefits to families and communities but still excluded women from the design and negotiation phases. The authors argue that failing to include female ex-combatants as active agents in peace processes undermines the transformative potential of DDR and risks exacerbating gender inequalities.

The briefing outlines critical areas of focus for Africa in 2022, including democratic transitions in eighteen countries, the management of military coups in states like Mali and Sudan, and the fight against terrorism in regions such as the Lake Chad Basin. It highlights Africa's priorities for COP27, specifically the need for climate finance, technology transfer, and a just transition that supports industrialisation. Additionally, it examines the evolution of China-Africa relations following the FOCAC Ministerial Meeting and the potential impact of China's debt on Kenya's elections.