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Since the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin in 2023, Russia has restructured its African security engagements, moving from the high-profile combat deployments of the Wagner Group to a more centralised model controlled by the Kremlin and the GRU. This new approach prioritises 'regime survival' services, including elite protection, training, and intelligence sharing, while expanding covert information warfare through entities like Russia House and the African Initiative. Despite these efforts, Russia's footprint is constrained by the resource demands of its war in Ukraine and risks of 'blowback' from African governments due to human rights abuses and deceptive recruitment schemes like 'Alabuga Start'.

The research paper examines 'Africa+1' summits—high-level meetings between African nations and a single external power—as a strategic arena for geopolitical influence. It traces the evolution from early French-led summits to a 'second generation' involving Asian powers like Japan, China, India, and Turkey, and more recent engagement from Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Italy. The author argues that Africa's demographic growth and critical mineral wealth have increased its strategic value, allowing African states to exercise greater agency by leveraging rivalries between global powers. However, the document critiques the summit format as often being performative and asymmetric, noting a gap between multi-billion-dollar pledges and tangible results. It highlights proposals for reform, such as unified AU representation, to move toward more equitable partnerships.

The report analyzes 22 extreme weather events in 2025, noting that despite weak La Nina conditions, global temperatures remained exceptionally high due to human-driven emissions. It emphasizes that warming of approximately 1.3°C has intensified heatwaves, droughts, and floods, with a specific focus on how women and marginalized groups bear a disproportionate burden. The document also identifies a critical gap in climate science, where a lack of observational data in the Global South hinders confident analysis of rainfall events. Finally, it argues that while adaptation is necessary, events like Hurricane Melissa in the Caribbean demonstrate that adaptation has limits and cannot replace the urgent need for rapid emission reductions.

The research paper examines the increasing role of GCC countries—primarily the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar—as major investors in Africa's energy transition and infrastructure. It identifies food security and economic diversification away from hydrocarbons as the primary drivers for Gulf states. While highlighting significant projects in renewable energy and mining, the paper warns that the current focus on large-scale, export-oriented developments may sideline local community needs and climate adaptation priorities unless African policymakers actively steer investments toward local beneficiation and regional integration.

The report details the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital surveillance. It highlights a significant gap between the actual violence experienced and official data, which often underreports attacks against women. Through country spotlights on Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Nigeria, the document illustrates how patriarchal norms and corporate-state collusion exacerbate the vulnerability of WEHRDs. It concludes with recommendations for African states and international donors to implement gender-responsive protection frameworks, end the criminalization of activism, and provide flexible, long-term funding for women-led grassroots initiatives.

The study finds a substantial disconnect between African climate commitments (NDCs) and national development blueprints (NDPs), with NDCs focusing on climate-centric sectors like energy and forestry while NDPs prioritize economic growth, finance, and the private sector. This 'parallel policy framework' is driven by institutional fragmentation, where NDCs are often externally funded and led by environment ministries, whereas NDPs are domestically anchored and led by economic planning ministries. The authors recommend a 'whole-of-government' approach to embed climate goals into national budgets and development strategies to maximize socio-economic co-benefits.

The FSF ACCT, managed by Clarmondial, integrates gender considerations into its lending and Technical Assistance Facility (TAF) to address structural barriers faced by women in cocoa and coffee sectors. The fund utilizes a 'Reach – Benefit – Empower' (RBE) framework and requires borrowers to provide sex-disaggregated KPIs. A dedicated TAF provides grants for capacity building, leadership training, and climate-smart agriculture, specifically targeting women and youth to enhance their economic independence and adaptive capacity to climate change.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.

The document proposes that ECOWAS integrate forward-looking transitional justice into its climate governance to prevent the marginalization of women and rural communities. It argues that climate change in West Africa is a crisis of social justice, where historical inequities determine vulnerability. The author suggests that ECOWAS should reduce its reliance on unstable global mechanisms, such as the COP27 Loss and Damage Fund, by establishing regional structures like a gender-responsive minerals strategy and a Regional Climate Adaptation Fund for Women. The paper emphasizes that a just transition must move beyond procedural formality to address the 'why' of structural harms, including land access and resource governance.

The document argues that ECOWAS's perceived success in promoting democracy during the 2000s and 2010s was illusory, based on a narrow definition of democracy centered on elections rather than human rights and the rule of law. This approach, combined with a tendency to defer to the interests of heads of state, has led to a disconnect between the bloc and West African citizens. The paper highlights the impact of recent coups since 2020 and the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) as evidence of this failure and a decline in Nigeria's regional influence. It concludes by recommending the creation of a Citizens Consultation Forum and a strategic task force on governance to restore credibility.

The document advocates for a transition from a representation-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to a substantive feminist approach within ECOWAS. It highlights a gap between existing regional gender-justice frameworks and their practical application, noting that patriarchal power structures continue to drive conflict. The author recommends that ECOWAS institutionalise partnerships with grassroots movements, incorporate intersectionality into its Conflict Prevention Framework, and adopt feminist responses to climate insecurity and security sector reform to achieve lasting social transformation.

The document evaluates the ECOWAS free movement framework, noting its success in facilitating intra-regional mobility while highlighting significant barriers such as insecurity, protectionist national policies, and the recent withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

The document examines how the lack of a harmonised digital identification system in West Africa hindered the free movement of people and goods during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes that the ECOWAS Commission create a framework for digital ID interoperability and a 'health passport' linked to digital IDs to prevent future border closures and economic disruptions. The author suggests leveraging existing initiatives like the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI), while drawing on successful regional models from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism. The paper specifically recommends that the West African Health Organization (WAHO) lead the digital health trust initiative and that the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) be included in the network to ensure regional health security.

The document examines how the lack of harmonised digital identification and health information exchange systems in West Africa hindered the ECOWAS free movement regime during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes integrating vaccine certification with foundational digital IDs—such as the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI) initiative—to create a 'health passport'. Drawing on examples from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism, the author recommends that the ECOWAS Commission and the West African Health Organization (WAHO) develop a regional digital health certification framework that includes members of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) to ensure comprehensive regional health security.

The document examines the challenges facing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in attracting and managing foreign direct investment (FDI). It highlights a disconnect between regional elite institutions and citizens, exacerbated by the withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger in January 2025. While West Africa possesses significant mineral resources and growth potential in renewables and IT, it suffers from weak governance, fragmented infrastructure, and an overdependence on foreign donors for energy project funding. The author recommends a harmonised regional investment framework and a prioritisation of cross-border energy infrastructure to enhance collective bargaining power and sustainable development.

The document examines the critical infrastructure gaps in West Africa, highlighting how deficiencies in energy, transport, digital connectivity, and water management hinder economic growth and the goals of ECOWAS's Vision 2050. It details specific initiatives like the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway and the West African Power Pool (WAPP), while identifying barriers such as corruption, regulatory fragmentation, and a regional infrastructure funding gap estimated between USD 20 billion and USD 36 billion per year. The paper advocates for Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), innovative financing like green bonds, and the inclusion of youth and SMEs to drive sustainable development.

The document examines the challenges facing ECOWAS in its peacekeeping efforts, particularly the lack of formal integration with the AU and UN. It highlights how the ambiguous application of the AU's subsidiarity principle and the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have strained regional security. To address these issues and access UN-assessed funding under Resolution 2719, the paper recommends formalising the division of labour between ECOWAS and the AU and increasing ECOWAS's direct engagement in global peace operations planning.

Nigeria's climate agenda is hampered by overlapping institutions and a lack of elite consensus, which diminishes its bargaining power internationally. While the Tinubu administration has attempted to centralize governance through the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate (OSPEC) and the Presidential Climate Action Committee (PCAC), these moves risk further fragmentation by sidelining statutory bodies like the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC). Externally, Nigeria faces declining oil exports to China and India and increased competition from the US in European markets, intensifying the need for a successful energy transition. The report highlights a trend of International Oil Companies (IOCs) divesting from onshore assets due to regulatory instability, while noting that agile local firms are better positioned to navigate domestic complexities.

The paper examines the geopolitical and economic landscape of mining in West Africa, highlighting a shift toward resource nationalism in countries like Burkina Faso and Ghana. It discusses the influence of foreign powers such as France, Russia, and China, and identifies critical barriers to growth, including mineral smuggling, illegal artisanal mining, and a lack of processing infrastructure. While ECOWAS has attempted to harmonize mining regulations through directives and policies, the document notes that poor coordination and political instability have hindered their effectiveness.

The document argues that the AfCFTA can mitigate Africa's youth unemployment crisis by fostering a regional market for greentech goods and services. It highlights a significant trade deficit in green goods and suggests that localising production—supported by tax incentives, digital skills training, and the revitalisation of Indigenous environmental practices—can create millions of jobs. While carbon-intensive sectors may lose up to 4.2 million jobs by 2050, the energy transition could create up to 12 million jobs in the same period, provided that regulatory barriers are removed and investment is facilitated.