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The report 'Lifting Europe’s Dark Cloud' examines the health consequences of coal power emissions in Europe, highlighting that 22,900 premature deaths were caused by these plants in 2013. It argues that current EU legislation, specifically the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED), is undermined by widespread 'derogations' that allow over half of European coal plants to exceed safety limits. The authors model three scenarios, demonstrating that adopting the most stringent 'Best Available Techniques' (BAT) could reduce annual premature deaths from 8,900 (under proposed BREF limits) to 2,600, while slashing annual health costs from 24.3 billion to 7.1 billion euros. The document calls for the removal of legal loopholes, the immediate adoption of revised LCP BREF standards, and a total phase-out of coal in favor of renewable energy.

The report finds that EU coal-fired power plants were responsible for approximately 22,900 premature deaths in 2013, with health costs estimated between 32.4 and 62.3 billion Euros. A significant portion of these impacts is cross-border; for example, coal plants in Poland and Germany caused over 7,000 premature deaths in other countries. The analysis identifies the 'Toxic 30' plants responsible for 51% of these deaths and the 'Dirty 30' plants contributing nearly half of the EU coal fleet's CO2 emissions. The authors advocate for a full coal phase-out, structural reform of the EU Emissions Trading System, and the implementation of an Emissions Performance Standard to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The policy brief examines Article 10c of the EU ETS Directive, which allows lower-income Member States in Central and Eastern Europe to grant free emission allowances to the power sector provided they invest the equivalent value in energy system modernisation. The author argues that this mechanism has largely subsidised coal power and fossil fuel infrastructure rather than diversifying energy mixes, citing examples in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Romania. It highlights failures in transparency, public consultation, and additionality, specifically noting investments in the Belchatow power station. The brief recommends that the post-2020 revision implement a competitive bidding process for all investments, exclude coal from eligibility, and ensure open public consultation to align the mechanism with EU decarbonisation goals.

The author contends that the Russian leadership's 'imperial rationality' and aggression in Ukraine have invalidated previous EU hopes that economic cooperation would foster Russian democratization. The text highlights a lack of unity among EU member states, where some maintain ties with Russian energy entities while others impose restrictions. It argues that energy security requires moving beyond simple route diversification toward systemic energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce financial, technological, and fuel dependencies, including those in the nuclear sector.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

The paper applies second-generation social network analysis to map a criminal network centered on security racketeering in Cape Town's central business district. By analyzing 112 nodes and 224 interactions based on media reports from 2010 to 2013, the study identifies a highly centralized network where a small number of 'grey' agents—individuals operating across both lawful and unlawful sectors—exercise significant control. The analysis highlights that the network's operation relies more on lawful economic interactions, such as business investments and employment, than on overt violence, posing significant challenges for traditional law enforcement.

Carbon Market Watch warns that the proposed 40% greenhouse gas emission reduction target for 2030 is insufficient and threatened by 'hot air' loopholes. Specifically, the carry-over of surplus allowances from the EU ETS and Effort Sharing Decision could reduce actual emissions cuts to as low as 26%. The author advocates for the retention of nationally binding renewable and energy efficiency targets to drive innovation and decarbonisation.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The report examines the financing of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), emphasizing the need to move beyond reliance on international public funding toward leveraging private capital. It defines 'bankability' as the attractiveness of a project to investors based on its revenue-generating potential and provides a framework for designing such projects. Through eight case studies from countries including Morocco, Tunisia, and the Philippines, the document illustrates the roles of public-private partnerships (PPPs), the importance of implementing bodies (such as Special Purpose Vehicles), and the necessity of risk mitigation tools like partial credit guarantees and power purchase agreements. The report concludes with recommendations for NAMA developers to engage the private sector early in the design process and for international stakeholders to disseminate best practices in private funding.

The report examines the potential of South Africa's shale gas reserves, estimated by the US Energy Information Administration as the eighth largest globally. It contrasts a 'Base Case' of no fracking with a 'Shale Boom' and a 'Blue Bridge' scenario. While a shale boom could boost GDP and reduce poverty, it risks significant water contamination in the semi-arid Karoo region and may increase long-term carbon emissions by delaying renewable energy investment. The authors propose a 'Blue Bridge' approach, using an excise tax on fracking to fund renewable energy infrastructure, which they argue could maximize economic growth while ensuring long-term environmental sustainability.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) warns that TTIP may hinder public health and safety goals by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards. The document highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH approach and the US's risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that trade-driven 'regulatory coherence' often results in a 'lowest-common denominator' outcome. It further cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over environmental laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-national regulations in the US and EU. Finally, it suggests that a US-EU agreement could negatively influence the development of chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), on behalf of several environmental organizations, warns the U.S. Senate Committee on Finance that TTIP may prioritize trade interests over public health. The document highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH regulation and the U.S.'s risk-based Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), arguing that harmonization or mutual recognition could lead to a 'lowest-common denominator' approach to chemical safety. It specifically opposes investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which it claims allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-federal laws in the U.S. and national laws in EU member states. Finally, it suggests that a restrictive TTIP could discourage other nations, particularly BRIICS countries, from adopting more stringent chemical safety standards.

The author contends that de-industrialisation is not a viable path to ecological goals, as industry is essential for financing welfare states, creating sustainable jobs, and providing the technology needed for the energy transition. The text advocates for a European industrial policy that internalises environmental costs via carbon pricing and ecotaxation, while ensuring social inclusiveness to overcome political resistance from carbon and nuclear lobbies.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The document updates the 2011 subsidy estimates for EU biofuels, reducing the total estimated support from €9,272–€10,653 million to €5,515–€6,896 million. This correction stems from an overestimation of the volume of biofuels eligible for fuel excise tax exemptions. While budgetary support figures for bioethanol and biodiesel were lowered, other support elements, such as market transfers, remain unchanged. The report also details the calculation methodologies for excise tax exemptions and market price support via blending mandates.

The document warns that TTIP may prioritize trade interests over public health by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards in the U.S. and EU. It specifically contrasts the EU's hazard-based REACH regulation with the U.S.'s risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that mutual recognition would effectively erase protections for chemicals restricted in only one jurisdiction. The author also cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-federal or sub-regional laws. Finally, the statement suggests that a low-standard TTIP could chill the development of stringent chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.

The document warns that TTIP may prioritize trade over public health by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could weaken chemical safety standards. It highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH approach and the US's risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that mutual recognition would effectively erase protections unique to one jurisdiction. The author also cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and the preemption of sub-national laws, while noting that TTIP could negatively influence chemical regulations in non-member countries like the BRIICS nations.

The document examines policy risk—defined as unexpected government regulatory changes—and its impact on renewable energy investments. It analyzes existing tools like MIGA and OPIC political risk insurance and World Bank partial risk guarantees, while detailing a new OPIC FiT insurance product. The report concludes with recommendations for improving these instruments through standardization, expanded geographic scope, and better integration with credit rating agency methodologies to enhance project bankability.

The report analyzes the effectiveness of Estonia's environmental fee system, focusing on resource use and pollution charges. It finds that while emissions have decreased, this is primarily due to EU regulatory compliance rather than the fees themselves. The document notes that resource productivity in Estonia remains low compared to the EU average and suggests that future fee structures should be more predictable and integrated with support measures for eco-innovation to better incentivize resource efficiency.

The Green European Journal Volume 4 examines the intersection of social equality, economic stability, and environmental sustainability in Europe. It argues that rising inequalities are both a cause and consequence of the economic crisis and a driver of unsustainable consumption. The collection includes analyses of the 'precariat' in Poland, the humanitarian crisis in Greece, and the limitations of equality legislation in the UK. Several authors advocate for a shift toward supranational solidarity, suggesting a 'European welfare state' or a universal basic income to replace failing national models. The journal also debates the future of European federalism, calling for a more transparent, democratic 'European Republic' to recover political sovereignty from financial systems.