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The paper examines how the COVID-19 pandemic exposed gaps in India's environmental governance, noting that while lockdowns temporarily improved air and water quality, the period also saw a rise in industrial disasters and the dilution of environmental impact assessment rules. It highlights the intersection of environmental degradation—such as deforestation and pollution—with increased vulnerability to pandemics and climate-driven extreme weather events. The author concludes that India's economic recovery packages lack long-term environmental vision and calls for the stringent implementation of environmental laws to build socio-ecological resilience.

The 2020 ESMP for Jomotsangkha Wildlife Sanctuary (JWS) outlines mitigation strategies for five key activities: the construction of a head office, improvement of waterholes and salt licks, restoration of lowland grasslands, river protection work, and maintenance of staff quarters. It integrates Bhutanese national law with WWF's Social Safeguards Integrated Policies and Procedures (SIPP), prioritizing the more stringent WWF standards where discrepancies exist, particularly regarding compensation for non-title land users and community consultation. The plan details specific environmental risks, such as vegetation clearing and aquatic habitat disturbance, and social risks, including water-source conflicts between construction workers and local communities. Implementation is managed by BFL focal persons and contractors, with a monitoring framework involving weekly field visits and quarterly reports to ensure compliance.

The document argues that domestic budgets are often the largest source of adaptation finance in developing countries but are systematically under-utilised due to technical, institutional, and political barriers. It introduces 'climate budgeting' as a set of interventions across the budget cycle—from preparation and approval to execution and oversight—to prioritise adaptation. Through case studies in the Philippines, Afghanistan, India, and Bangladesh, the paper demonstrates how tools like climate budget tagging and climate change impact appraisal (CCIA) can increase the volume and quality of adaptation spending. It concludes with recommendations for governments to mainstream adaptation into routine public financial management and for international funders to use domestic budgets as a delivery modality for climate finance.

The report argues that shifting subsidies from kerosene to off-grid solar is economically viable and socially beneficial for India's rural poor. It details three primary subsidy pathways—targeting households, manufacturers, or financial institutions—and provides a framework for administration, funding, and beneficiary targeting to achieve '24x7 Power for All'.

The document outlines India's approach to climate change, emphasizing the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) and its commitment to the Paris Agreement despite the US withdrawal. It highlights India's challenges with erratic weather, forest fires, and water shortages, while noting its continued reliance on coal alongside growing renewable energy. The report identifies five key areas for potential India-Norway cooperation: CO2 sequestration in Enhanced Oil Recovery, mini-hydro power and turbine retrofitting, REDD+ pilots for ecosystem restoration, smart grid solutions for renewables, and R&D in biogas from waste.

The document analyzes the inefficiencies of India's Public Distribution System (PDS) for kerosene, noting high rates of leakage and poor targeting. It argues that current subsidies make solar lighting less cost-competitive for households, particularly for mid- and high-end systems. The authors recommend streamlining eligibility, phasing out subsidies in electrified areas, and redirecting funds toward a 'lighting subsidy' for solar solutions.

The research reviews the SDMPs of Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Odisha, and Uttarakhand, finding that while they provide a foundation for coordination, they overemphasize response and relief over prevention and risk reduction. The report recommends clarifying institutional responsibilities, innovating financing models, mainstreaming risk reduction across state departments, and better incorporating socioeconomic vulnerabilities and climate change risks into assessments.

The report reviews the SDMPs of Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Odisha, and Uttarakhand, finding that while they are sophisticated in disaster response, they lack sufficient focus on risk reduction, socioeconomic vulnerability, and climate change integration. It recommends clarifying institutional roles, operationalising risk-reduction funds, and aligning state plans more closely with the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030.

The report argues that India's kerosene subsidy program is highly inefficient due to significant leakages and poor service quality. It proposes replacing these subsidies with targeted support for solar-based lighting in rural areas and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for urban-poor households, asserting that such a transition would be economically beneficial for both the government and the beneficiaries.

The submission argues that project-level grievance mechanisms (PLGMs) are often fundamentally flawed due to a lack of independence and oversight, and urges the U.S. government to exercise caution before endorsing them. The authors recommend that any supported PLGMs must adhere to the UN Guiding Principles' effectiveness criteria, including legitimacy, accessibility, predictability, equitability, transparency, rights compatibility, continuous learning, and engagement.

The report analyzes how the fragmented structure of India's trucking industry, dominated by small operators, makes it highly susceptible to diesel price hikes. It finds that fuel costs account for approximately 55-56% of total operating costs, yet operators are 'price takers' unable to pass these costs to customers due to fierce competition and dependence on brokers. The document recommends short-term measures like fixing minimum freight rates and reducing tollgate delays, alongside long-term structural reforms including improved vehicle fuel efficiency and the introduction of professional training and financing prerequisites.

The report examines the history and impact of the Sixth Schedule and territorial councils in Northeast India, arguing that while intended to protect tribal interests and integrate the region into India, these structures have often incentivized ethno-nationalism and 'homeland politics'. It analyzes specific settlements like the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC), noting that the BTC's model of ethnic reservation may institutionalize tribal enclaves, whereas the KAATC settlement introduces promising measures for financial transparency and grassroots devolution. The author concludes that peace depends on moving beyond ad hoc concessions to armed groups and involving civil society in autonomy negotiations.

The document examines South Africa's challenges with immigration, particularly from Zimbabwe, and critiques the Department of Home Affairs' focus on policing and deportation. It argues that migration is a global phenomenon driven by wealth disparities that cannot be stopped by draconian measures. The author recommends integrating immigration into broader planning for healthcare, education, and labour, while proposing a tailor-made humanitarian status for Zimbabweans to replace the current failing asylum and documentation systems.

The India-UK Energy for Growth Partnership has focused on creating tools for energy scenario planning, reforming gas and power markets to reduce import dependence, and identifying climate finance mechanisms for Indian cities. Key initiatives include the 'India Energy Security Scenarios 2047' tool and the adoption of multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) to align energy planning with social and green growth objectives.

The document examines the hybrid logistical system developed by the British-Indian Army to conduct pacification campaigns in difficult terrains. It focuses on four key themes: the use of non-combatant manpower (coolies), the construction of strategic roads, the utilization of rivers and boats, and the deployment of various animals for transport. The author argues that the British integrated indigenous resources with imported management techniques to project power, creating a 'geo-bio power' framework that allowed them to maintain operational reach where tribal forces lacked logistical infrastructure.

The paper examines how women in a conflict-affected district of Assam utilize the concept of 'motherhood' to enter the political sphere and engage in peacebuilding. It challenges security expert assumptions that these women lack independent agency, finding instead that while they are often linked to tribal identities and militant factions, they use these alliances to build political power. The author notes a tension between 'motherhood' as a tool for tribal mobilization and as a potential basis for a common female identity for peace. The study also highlights the barriers to formal political participation, such as male-dominated party structures and a lack of seat reservations in tribal areas.

The research analyzes Naga militancy in Northeast India, specifically examining how ceasefires between the Indian government and groups like the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) have influenced the conflict. The author argues that ceasefires can disrupt internal group cohesion, create operational opportunities for illegal activities, and fuel inter-group rivalry. Data from the South Asia Terrorism Portal indicates that while ceasefires reduced encounters between security forces and militants, civilian and 'terrorist' fatalities increased between 1992 and 2010. The study concludes that the current ceasefire regime empowers signatory groups and legitimizes armed actors, creating a framework for 'violent politics' rather than a path to a political settlement.

The document argues that the conflict in Northeast India is not merely a series of ethnic disputes between the state and non-state actors, but a complex system of 'parapolitics' where state and non-state agents often collaborate in shadow economies. It examines how the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) has regularized a 'state of exception', creating a zone of anomie where security forces and militant groups compete for the monopoly of violence. The author highlights the role of illicit extraction, such as timber smuggling in the Bodo Territorial Autonomous District (BTAD), and the use of ceasefire agreements to legitimize insurgent 'armies' and their extortion networks.

The 2008 Mumbai attacks were not only physical acts of violence but a 'staged' spectacle designed for maximum media visibility. The author argues that the 'truth' of the attacks was creatively reconstructed through media scripting, political opportunism by parties like the BJP, and the subsequent creation of new security agencies. The paper highlights a trend where counter-terrorism tools, such as the National Investigation Agency (NIA), are repurposed for counter-insurgency in India's frontier regions, potentially extending a 'state of exception' into domestic spaces.

The document examines the integration of electricity into social sector policies in India, highlighting a gap between the recognized importance of power for health and education and the actual policy mechanisms to implement it. It identifies a lack of interdepartmental coordination, financial flexibility, and data convergence as primary barriers, noting that some policies inadvertently exclude underserved facilities by making electricity a prerequisite for aid.