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The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.

The research paper examines the fiscal pressures facing South Africa, highlighting high government debt, sluggish economic growth, and rising public sector costs. It details specific budget allocations for infrastructure and energy, including the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Programme and nuclear procurement, while framing these economic realities against the backdrop of student demands for tertiary education funding.

The IMF's October 2015 Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa describes a 'gloomy picture' for the region driven by falling commodity and oil prices, high energy costs, and a weak global financial environment. South Africa is highlighted as having the worst growth projection among its middle-income peers, with its economic performance hindered by critical electricity supply failures, poor export growth despite currency depreciation, and social unrest. The IMF recommends fiscal adjustments, currency depreciation, and long-term investments in productivity-enhancing infrastructure and education to counter these trends.

The document analyzes China's 'Agricultural Going Out' strategy in Africa, noting that while investment is relatively small—amounting to $406 million by 2011—it is strategically focused on cash crops and diplomatic alliance-building. It distinguishes between small-scale private ventures serving local markets and larger state-led projects targeting cash crops for international or Chinese markets. The paper details the shift from production-centric models toward downstream logistics and the prevalence of farm/plantation and contract farming models.

The document examines China's deepening security role in Africa, shifting from traditional military concerns to non-traditional threats. It analyzes how China protects its citizens from crime and terrorism, its response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak, and its dual role in the illegal wildlife and timber trades. The authors argue that these transnational challenges are compelling China to increase its engagement with multilateral organizations and move beyond its traditional policy of non-interference.

The document analyzes Brazil's Cooperation and Investment Facilitation Agreements (CIFAs), contrasting them with traditional bilateral investment treaties by emphasizing cooperation and state-state dispute settlement over investor-state arbitration.

The paper examines the dynamics of China-Africa economic cooperation, noting a significant increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) from $500 million in 2003 to nearly $15 billion by 2012. While acknowledging the role of Chinese firms in hiring local labour—such as the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation and Chinese National Minerals Corporation—the author highlights a lack of transparency regarding training, health, and environmental standards. The document reviews several academic and scientific initiatives, including the Confucius Institutes and the 20+20 Cooperation Plan, concluding that while these signal a move beyond purely commercial interests, they have often failed to yield tangible results. The author recommends the establishment of a tighter African regulatory framework and an autonomous monitoring mechanism to ensure sustainable and inclusive growth.

The report evaluates the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and its peace and security architecture, specifically the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC) and the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC). It finds a significant gap between the organization's ambitions and its operational reality, noting that conflict prevention is hampered by a highly centralized, state-focused structure and a narrow military approach to security. The document highlights critical regional threats, including the Boko Haram insurgency, maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, and the instability in the Central African Republic (CAR). It concludes that ECCAS lacks a credible regional lead nation and a shared vision, remaining heavily dependent on external funding, primarily from the European Union, which undermines regional ownership of the peace and security process.

The policy brief proposes that South Africa shift its Latin American engagement from a Brazil-centric approach to a broader 'South Atlantic Zone' framework. This strategy aims to leverage shared developmental trajectories and maritime interests to bolster the 'blue economy' and regional security. The authors highlight the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) as a key mechanism for collaboration, alongside maritime exercises like IBSAMAR and Atlasur. While trade between South Africa and Latin American South Atlantic countries remains low, the document identifies significant potential for growth in ocean economics, specifically through initiatives like Operation Phakisa, and cultural ties via the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP).

The Bujagali Hydropower Project in Uganda serves as a case study for the use of combined risk mitigation instruments—specifically the International Development Association's (IDA) partial risk guarantee (PRG) and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency's (MIGA) political risk insurance (PRI)—to attract private capital in high-risk environments. The project mobilized nearly $300 million in commercial loans and private equity, achieving a ratio of almost one U.S. dollar of private capital for every two U.S. dollars of public financing. These instruments enabled commercial banks to offer loans with maturities of 16 years and lower interest rates, which reduced the required initial electricity tariff by between 7% and 60%. The resulting levelized cost of energy (LCOE) was approximately 107 USD/MWh, significantly lower than the cost of the emergency thermal power it replaced. While effective, such complex structures have been underutilized due to high transaction costs and restrictive DFI policies, though recent World Bank Group modernizations aim to expand these tools to smaller-scale renewable energy projects like solar and wind.

The document presents the texts of the Cooperation and Investment Facilitation Agreements between Brazil and Mozambique and between Brazil and Angola. Both agreements aim to foster reciprocal investments through institutional governance, including the creation of a Joint Committee and Focal Points (Ombudsmen) to facilitate investment and prevent disputes. They establish frameworks for information exchange, corporate social responsibility, and the protection of investments against expropriation, while emphasizing the preservation of legislative autonomy and public policy space.

The research paper argues that South Africa can bridge the conceptual divide between its 'Latin American' and 'African' foreign policy by treating the South Atlantic Zone as a single entity. It highlights the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) as a framework for security and economic collaboration. Key drivers for this engagement include the 'Operation Phakisa' blue economy initiative, the need to combat piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, and the exploitation of untapped oil and gas reserves. While trade between South Africa and Latin American partners like Brazil and Argentina remains low due to similar commodity exports, the document identifies significant growth potential and the role of South Africa as a strategic gateway between Latin America and Asia.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

The document examines the conflict between mining, oil, and gas extraction and the conservation of protected areas (PAs) and World Heritage (WH) sites in Africa. It highlights that 32% of African natural WH sites are 'in danger' and argues that extractive activities are incompatible with WH status. The author calls for the implementation of 'no-go zones' in WH sites and the adoption of strict operational guidelines and biodiversity offsets where mining in other PAs is unavoidable. It emphasizes the role of the private sector as a custodian of the environment, noting that financial institutions and international standards (such as the Equator Principles) are increasingly driving corporate compliance to avoid investor stigma and protect shareholder value.

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The document analyzes FDI inflows into the SADC region from 2003 to 2014, noting a heavy reliance on natural resources. It argues that the slump in commodity prices in 2014 necessitates a move away from 'dated ideological' policies like beneficiation toward global value chain integration and improved regional infrastructure to attract more diversified investment.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.

The report analyzes the power dynamics of Africa's five most influential states, using the Hillebrand-Herman-Moyer Index (HHMI) to forecast capabilities. It finds that while Nigeria and Ethiopia are expected to increase their power capabilities, Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa are likely to stagnate or decline. The authors distinguish between raw capabilities and 'power projection,' noting that Ethiopia and South Africa currently punch above their weight, while Nigeria and Algeria punch below theirs. The analysis emphasizes that governance deficits and domestic instability often hinder the translation of material capabilities into actual regional or global influence.

The document analyzes how South Africa's economic and political dominance affects its relations with Southern African neighbors. It highlights a 'forked approach' where South Africa employs quiet diplomacy in political matters but is perceived as assertive and mercantilist in economic engagements. While its peacekeeping efforts are praised, the paper notes a gap between the region's expectations of South African leadership and the actual funding and capacity constraints of the South African National Defence Force.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.