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The document provides a statistical overview of remittances from the UK to Africa, detailing the cost as a percentage of the amount sent, the size of the diaspora population in the UK, and the total annual amount of money sent for 16 African nations. Nigeria is the largest recipient by volume, with £2,363 million sent annually, while Tanzania has the highest cost of sending at 14%.

Global Witness argues that UNEA-6 missed a critical opportunity to regulate the mining industry for the energy transition. While a digital knowledge hub for environmental protection was established, the final resolution removed mandates for assessing regulations, tackling human rights violations, and addressing colonial extraction patterns due to resistance from several Member States. The document also highlights a lack of action on resource overconsumption by wealthy nations and calls for the UN and upcoming COP meetings in Azerbaijan and Brazil to prioritize a just energy transition and Indigenous rights.

The document analyzes the impact of the Trump administration's 'reciprocal tariffs' on the Global South, specifically Africa, and argues that these policies signal the end of preferential market access under AGOA. It suggests that African nations should respond by rerouting trade through the AfCFTA and BRICS, implementing targeted import substitution industrialisation, and creating collective bargaining platforms to negotiate with external powers.

The report assesses the current state of electricity generation, transmission, and consumption across Africa, highlighting a 'double burden' of climate and transition risk. It finds that while renewable energy potential is high, investment is heavily skewed toward generation and concentrated in a few countries, with significant data gaps hindering effective policy. The analysis of Global Production Networks (GPNs) reveals a heavy dependence on imported technology, particularly from China, and identifies specific challenges and opportunities for localising solar and wind value chains. Employment data is noted as inconsistent, though solar PV dominates the current renewable energy job landscape.

This research paper provides an overview of United States contributions to peace and security in Africa, focusing on the current period and immediate future. It defines the nature of instability and insecurity on the continent and outlines the various military, economic, and governance-related measures that Americans believe can attenuate these conditions.

This document is an introductory report from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regarding a conference held on 31 May 2011. The conference aimed to analyze the 2011 North African revolutions and generate policy responses to peace and security challenges to support democratization and human security in the region.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) cautions the UK government against proposing changes to human rights laws to facilitate counter-terrorism, arguing that such 'heavy-handed tactics' often fuel terrorist recruitment. Citing examples from Nigeria, Kenya, Algeria, Egypt, and Chad, the letter asserts that state abuses provide justification for groups like Boko Haram and al-Shabaab. The ISS highlights that in Africa, militant attacks rose from 171 in 2009 to 738 in 2015, suggesting that neglecting the rule of law undermines intelligence gathering and international cooperation. The document concludes that upholding human rights is a strategic necessity for defeating groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.

The report argues that natural gas is more damaging to the climate than coal over a 20-year period due to potent methane leaks throughout its lifecycle. It highlights that 'top-down' measurements using satellites and aircraft reveal significantly higher emissions than traditional 'bottom-up' estimates. The author notes that shale gas and Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) further increase these emissions, making gas expansion incompatible with a livable climate. This analysis is applied to the proposed Richards Bay power plant, which may source gas from the Karoo basin or via LNG imports from the US or Australia.

The research argues that the 'unitary actor assumption' in civil war studies overlooks the critical role of internal fragmentation. By analyzing self-determination movements from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that movements with more internal factions are significantly more likely to experience the onset of civil war and to remain in active conflict. This is attributed to the fact that multiple factions create uncertainty for states regarding the movement's preferences and capabilities, and make it difficult for any single faction to provide a credible commitment to a settlement.

The research argues that terrorism creates a 'window of opportunity' for military actors to increase their political influence without seizing full state control. It identifies two primary mechanisms: a 'pulling' effect, where civilian authorities demand military expertise to combat threats, and a 'pushing' effect, where the military exploits informational advantages to advance its own interests. Using global panel data from 1984 to 2004, the authors find that both actual domestic terror attacks and the perceived probability of aggregate terrorism are positively associated with higher levels of military involvement in politics.

The research finds that while Libyan arms significantly enhanced the military capacity of insurgents in Mali and the Sinai, the overall proliferation was less destabilizing and widespread than initially feared, abating after 2013 due to international interventions and increased domestic demand within Libya.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.

The study finds that high urban population growth is significantly associated with increased social unrest, but only in peri-urban areas (the urban outskirts). In contrast, population growth in primary urban cores is negatively associated with unrest. The researchers found no evidence that this relationship is driven by environmental push factors such as nearby droughts; in fact, droughts hitting urban areas directly were found to be negatively associated with unrest.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The author examines the transition from indirect to direct British rule in the Lushai Hills (1850-1900). He distinguishes between 'small wars'—short, punitive military expeditions used to project power—and 'pacification,' a longer-term process involving both kinetic measures (paramilitary forces) and non-kinetic elements (infrastructure, education, and healthcare). The study argues that this 'winning hearts and minds' approach, backed by the threat of force, was more complex than simple brute force and served as a model for imperial consolidation.

The Strategies of Resistance Data Project (SRDP) provides a global dataset of 1,124 organizations involved in self-determination disputes between 1960 and 2005. Unlike previous datasets that focus on mass campaigns or violent actors, SRDP uses the organization as the unit of analysis to track tactical shifts. Findings indicate that nonviolent tactics are more common than violence in these movements, and organizations are more likely to switch from violence to nonviolence than vice versa.

The document details the methodology for operationalizing religious variables in the study of internal conflicts. It justifies the use of an identity-based definition of religious cleavages over an issue-based one, citing higher reliability and lower data collection costs. The author describes the use of the Religion and State (RAS) dataset to measure religious discrimination and demography (fractionalization and polarization), and the use of official state religion as a proxy for religious legitimacy. The methodology also includes the treatment of non-religious groups, specifically coding Communist regimes and rebels as non-religious, and the application of control variables such as regime type based on the Polity IV project.

The author replicates and extends the civil war model of Collier & Hoeffler (2002), finding that while natural resources correlate with conflict, the drivers differ by region. In the Middle East, the 'greed' explanation—where rebels fight to seize resources—is less plausible than a 'rentier-state' model, where oil-funded authoritarianism, corruption, and slow growth generate grievances. The study also finds that democracy is significantly and negatively related to civil conflict, a finding absent in the original Collier & Hoeffler analysis.