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The COVID-19 pandemic increased food insecurity across Africa, with upper-middle income countries like South Africa experiencing higher vulnerability due to their reliance on formal employment and global supply chains. While agricultural production grew in 2020, protectionist measures such as export bans in Malawi hindered the redistribution of food. The document highlights the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) as a critical mechanism to reduce dependence on global imports, lower trade barriers, and improve food resilience through increased intra-continental trade and the legalisation of informal cross-border trade.

The report by Friends of the Earth International contends that the current energy system is built on systemic oppression, including patriarchy and neocolonialism, which disproportionately affects women, indigenous peoples, and the Global South. It warns against 'false solutions' such as greenwashing and 'purplewashing' (superficial feminism), where corporations use renewable energy or gender equality rhetoric to mask continued exploitation. The authors advocate for a feminist energy transition centered on the 'sustainability of life,' public ownership, degrowth, and the recognition of care work, rather than market-led technical fixes.

TCX addresses currency and interest risk in emerging and frontier markets by providing long-term fixed- and inflation-linked cross-currency and interest rate swaps. Since 2013, it has de-risked nearly USD 8.4 billion of external lending across 70 currencies. In 2020, Sub-Saharan Africa was the second most active region, representing 19% of de-risked finance (USD 187 million) across 18 countries. The model relies on high-credit-rated counterparties, such as development finance institutions, to manage credit risk and connect solutions to end-clients. While 70% of 2020 supported financing targeted microfinance and SMEs, infrastructure and renewable energy projects accounted for approximately 6%.

The report by ClientEarth, WWF Italy, and ECCO think tank opposes Enel's plan to convert the Federico II plant in Brindisi from coal to gas. It argues that the project is not needed for security of supply, risks creating stranded assets and overcapacity in Southern Italy, and causes adverse climate impacts through CO2 and methane emissions. The authors contend that the project contradicts EU and national decarbonisation goals and should be rejected by the Ministry for Ecological Transition.

The document examines the viability of nuclear energy in Africa, noting that the continent provides 14% of global uranium supply. It identifies Russia and China as leading international vendors due to their state-owned models and willingness to provide financing. The paper highlights significant barriers to deployment, including high costs, corruption, unstable electrical grids, and a lack of local expertise. It also discusses the potential of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) to mitigate some of these infrastructure and financial challenges.

The document argues that African states must shift from a strategy of blocking new negotiations to one of active participation to avoid becoming 'rule takers' in the global trade system. It specifically recommends narrowing the TRIPS waiver proposal to focus solely on COVID-19 vaccines to secure broader support and suggests that African states prioritize a few key development outcomes from the stalled Doha Round while engaging in Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) on e-commerce and investment. The brief also emphasizes the need for the African Union to coordinate common policy positions and the establishment of regional vaccine production hubs in countries like South Africa, Senegal, Algeria, and Tunisia.

The report uses the GSI-IF model to analyze 32 countries, representing 77% of global CO2 emissions, to determine the impact of removing fossil fuel subsidies and implementing a 10% fossil energy tax by 2030. It finds that subsidy reform alone could save nearly USD 3 trillion and abate 5.4 GtCO2e, while combining reform with taxation and sustainable energy investment could increase average emission reductions from 6% to 11.8% by 2030.

The report finds that the complete removal of fossil fuel consumption subsidies across 32 modelled countries could reduce greenhouse gas emissions by an average of 6.09% by 2030. When combined with a 'subsidy swap' (reinvesting savings into energy efficiency and renewables) and a 10% energy tax, the average national emission reduction increases to 11.84%. The analysis highlights that while some countries like Venezuela see reductions over 30%, G20 nations provide the largest absolute reductions due to their economic scale. Financially, fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) alone could generate USD 2.99 trillion in cumulative savings by 2030, offering a cost-effective mechanism for a 'green recovery' from the COVID-19 pandemic.

The report finds that 41 of 54 African UN member states have subscribed to the HCoC, with the highest participation in ECOWAS (93%) and the lowest in SADC (56%). While ballistic missile threats within Africa are generally low—with only Algeria and Egypt maintaining active programmes—the report highlights the growing importance of the HCoC as African states expand their civilian space agencies and the AU aims to establish an African Space Agency by 2023. Key challenges include the exclusion of cruise missiles from the HCoC scope, administrative burdens for resource-constrained states, and a lack of institutional memory. The authors argue that the HCoC supports a 'nexus between security and development' by facilitating peaceful space exploration and improving a state's non-proliferation credentials for technology exports.

The document examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa, highlighting the use of 10 research reactors for education and medical/environmental research. It emphasizes the critical need for radiotherapy machines to combat rising cancer rates and the use of nuclear techniques in agriculture to ensure food security and manage zoonotic diseases. The brief outlines the legal framework for peaceful use, including the Pelindaba Treaty and the NPT, and identifies challenges such as public skepticism, financial instability, and safety risks. It recommends expanded continental training and continued cooperation with the IAEA and AFCONE.

The document examines how the global shift toward low-carbon energy, driven by the Paris Agreement, creates a risk of stranded assets for fossil fuel-dependent African nations. While this transition threatens export revenues and economic stability, it offers opportunities through increased demand for critical minerals like cobalt and copper. The author argues for a 'just transition' that avoids premature deindustrialisation and leverages fossil fuel revenues for economic diversification and green industrialisation.

The paper analyzes China's public diplomacy in Africa, noting a transition from risk-averse protocols to the use of social media and 'humanized' diplomats. While the pandemic provided opportunities for 'vaccine diplomacy' and PPE donations, the mass eviction of African migrants in Guangzhou in 2020 triggered a significant backlash. The authors argue that despite experimenting with digital tools, China retreated to traditional, elite-focused diplomatic methods to mitigate the Guangzhou crisis, revealing a persistent preference for high-level engagement over genuine dialogue with African publics.

The document examines nuclear developments in Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, noting that while all three operate research reactors for medical and industrial use, their ambitions for nuclear power plants vary. Egypt is the most advanced, currently constructing four reactors at Al Dabaa with Russian support. Algeria and Libya have expressed long-term interests in nuclear energy, though these remain largely discursive or stalled by political instability and cost. The author argues that these pursuits are often driven by 'techno-nationalist' prestige rather than purely economic or environmental needs, especially given the viability of solar energy and the region's water scarcity.

The report finds that the EU is planning a 35% increase in gas import capacity through pipelines and LNG terminals, costing an estimated €87 billion. This expansion is argued to be unnecessary for security of supply and contradictory to the EU's climate goals, creating a significant risk of stranded assets and emissions lock-in. While public financing from the EIB and EU grants has historically catalyzed these projects, the report notes a shift toward phasing out such support, though private finance and initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative continue to pose risks of further fossil gas entrenchment.

The document argues that while Africa views migration as a demographic and development issue, the European Union has increasingly adopted a securitised approach. It identifies four key entry points for strengthening the Africa-EU partnership: remittances, legal labour migration pathways, international protection, and voluntary returns and readmissions.

The report highlights that while Africa currently produces and consumes a small fraction of global plastics, a 'business as usual' trajectory could lead to a 375% increase in consumption by 2060. It identifies systemic failures across the plastics life cycle—from production to secondary markets—and argues that existing policy frameworks are fragmented and overly focused on end-of-life waste management. The document advocates for a comprehensive, life-cycle approach, the integration of the informal waste sector, and the development of a new legally binding global treaty to combat plastic pollution.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2021 finds that no country is currently on a path compliant with the Paris Agreement goals. While the EU improved its ranking to 16th place and countries like Sweden, the UK, and Denmark lead, major G20 emitters including the USA, Saudi Arabia, and Russia are rated 'very low'. The report highlights a divide between high-performing smaller nations and developing countries like Morocco, Chile, and India, and the lowest-performing fossil fuel producing nations.

The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) limited capacity to intervene in crises due to principles of national sovereignty and subsidiarity. It details the unraveling political alliance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conceptual and operational failures of the 'Silencing the Guns in Africa 2020' initiative, and identifies high-risk elections and conflicts in countries such as South Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia for 2021. Additionally, it features an interview on the necessity of a culturally contextualized African mediation doctrine based on the AU's experience in Sudan.

ClientEarth urges EU decision-makers to prohibit the use of Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) funds for gas-reliant projects, asserting that such investments would breach the Paris Agreement and EU legal obligations. The document argues that gas is not a viable 'bridge fuel' due to methane leakages and that existing infrastructure overcapacity makes new investments a stranded asset risk.

The report argues that Algeria must implement comprehensive political, social, and economic reforms to address systemic corruption, poor governance, and an over-reliance on oil. It highlights the need to diversify the economy, improve the business environment for the private sector, and transition toward renewable energy and sustainable water management to mitigate climate impacts. Key recommendations include enhancing transparency, reducing food imports by boosting agricultural production, and aligning workforce skills with market needs.