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The report finds that while progress continues, momentum is fading across all SDG7 indicators. Electricity and clean cooking deficits are increasingly concentrated in Africa, where population growth often offsets gains in access. Renewable energy and energy efficiency improvements are too slow to meet 2030 targets, with global progress heavily dependent on a small number of high-consuming economies and significant investment gaps in developing nations.

The paper argues that the armed organization to which a person belongs is the most powerful predictor of whether they become a perpetrator of conflict-related sexual violence. Using datasets like SVAC and ACLED, it finds that while state forces have historically been more frequent perpetrators, there is a recent trend of increasing reports involving rebel groups. The author identifies key organizational risk factors, such as forced recruitment and child soldiering, which use sexual violence as a socialization tool for group cohesion. Conversely, restraint is linked to strong internal governance, such as electoral leader selection and ideological norms. The paper suggests that policy interventions should target organizational structures and use risk factors as early warning indicators rather than focusing solely on individual perpetrators.

The statement contends that Africa's reliance on fossil fuels leaves its communities vulnerable to external shocks, such as the economic ripple effects of the US-Iran war. It advocates for the implementation of existing frameworks like the African Single Electricity System and the African Union Green Minerals Strategy to achieve energy sovereignty and justice, arguing that transitioning to net-zero is more cost-effective than enduring the costs of global energy instability.

The document analyzes the evolution of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council, noting a shift from consensus-based norm expansion to a period of 'backlash' and 'pushback' since 2019. It identifies specific threats to norms regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and women's civil society participation, often driven by actors like Russia, China, and the US (under the Trump administration). Despite these challenges, the authors highlight the role of elected members (E10) in maintaining progress through 'shared commitments' and the integration of WPS language into day-to-day Council decisions. The paper argues that while the Council's overall legitimacy is declining due to stalemates over conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, it remains a critical arena for defending women's rights against global authoritarian trends.

The document argues that CPEC's first decade has failed to deliver broad-based development or stability in Pakistan, as state-led growth has not reduced conflict or poverty. It highlights how domestic political fragmentation, weak governance, and security threats—including attacks on Chinese personnel—have hindered progress. The brief notes a shift in Chinese strategy from government-to-government loans to business-to-business collaboration and warns that Pakistan's strategic balancing between China and the US complicates alignment. It concludes that the top-down, centralized approach has led to uneven benefits, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and recommends more inclusive, transparent, and community-based development strategies for the next phase.

The Glaciers to Farms (G2F) Program is a 10-year, multi-sectoral adaptation initiative designed to address the impacts of glacial retreat and water insecurity in Central and West Asia. Requesting USD 250 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to leverage a total of USD 3.5 billion, the program integrates science-based risk planning, investment in climate-resilient infrastructure, capacity building for agricultural MSMEs, and a regional knowledge platform. It targets 13.6 million direct beneficiaries and 31.5 million indirect beneficiaries, focusing on the Naryn, Pyanj, Kura-Aras, and Swat river basins. Key interventions include multi-hazard early warning systems, nature-based solutions for watershed restoration, and the development of innovative finance mechanisms like sustainability-linked bonds.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report analyzes climate adaptation projects in Afghanistan, the DRC, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while insecurity often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-climate nexus analysis and prioritize bottom-up, community-led approaches can mitigate conflict and foster peace. The authors recommend flexible implementation, holistic monitoring and evaluation, and the explicit inclusion of conflict mitigation in project objectives to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'.

The report examines climate adaptation in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while instability often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-sensitivity and community-led approaches can mitigate these challenges and potentially contribute to peacebuilding. The analysis highlights the necessity of flexible implementation, the use of fragility assessments, and the importance of addressing root causes of vulnerability to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'—unforeseen negative spillover effects.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the UN Security Council's approach to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), arguing that while the 'weapon of war' frame successfully moved the issue onto the security agenda, it created significant gaps in protection and accountability. This framing prioritizes strategic, systematic violence over opportunistic abuse and often ignores non-traditional survivors, such as men, boys, and LGBTQ+ individuals. The author notes that geopolitical interests continue to dictate which atrocities are condemned and which are tolerated, leading to inconsistent implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.

The author critiques the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for its failure to move beyond rhetorical commitments to substantive protection and inclusion. While acknowledging its role in elevating conflict-related sexual violence, the paper argues that the agenda's focus on penetrative rape has occluded other gender-based harms, such as obstetric and structural violence. It further highlights the marginalization of women in formal peace negotiations and the failure to account for colonial causality. The author proposes a shift toward 'everyday peace'—focusing on the long-term, grassroots conditions of survival and tolerance—to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable peace that addresses the needs of all women, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and racial backgrounds.

The global economy consumes approximately 100 billion metric tons of resources annually, with 75% coming from non-renewable sources. While the European Union leads in circular economy policy, global resource productivity has stalled since 2000, and the world must reduce per capita material consumption from 12.6 metric tons in 2022 to below 5 metric tons by 2050 to ensure sustainability. Significant disparities exist in consumption, with the top 25% of the population using 52% of the world's resources. Despite some progress in municipal waste recycling—averaging 35% across OECD countries—and the regulation of single-use products in 75 countries, systemic changes in product design and corporate monitoring are required to decouple economic growth from resource extraction.

China's massive scale in producing solar, wind, batteries, and electric vehicles has significantly lowered global costs, with solar module prices falling over 70% between 2022 and mid-2025. This manufacturing capacity allows China to potentially supply the entire world's solar needs for 2030 as defined by the IEA. These affordable technologies are facilitating an 'energy leapfrog' in emerging markets across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where some countries now have higher solar shares in power generation than the US. Consequently, China's own fossil fuel demand is approaching a plateau, and the global demand for fossil fuels is projected to be in structural decline by 2030.

The Kandy Declaration, issued during the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum in Sri Lanka, calls for a systemic transformation of global societies to dismantle capitalist and imperialist structures. It advocates for food sovereignty, agroecology, and a feminist just energy transition while opposing corporate monopolies over land, seeds, and water. The document commits to transforming the United Nations multilateral system, cancelling external sovereign debt, and holding transnational corporations accountable for human rights violations through a legally binding treaty.

The Kandy Declaration, emerging from the 3rd Global Nyéléni Forum in Sri Lanka, calls for a systemic transformation to combat the intersecting crises of climate, health, and food insecurity. It advocates for the protection of the 'commons'—including seeds, water, and land—against corporate extractivism and the 'blue' and 'green' neoliberal regimes. The document commits to a feminist and popular transition toward agroecology, a just energy transition, and the reform of the UN multilateral system to prioritize people over corporate interests.

The Kandy Declaration, issued during the 3rd Nyéléni World Forum in Sri Lanka, is a call for systemic transformation by a global coalition of social movements, Indigenous peoples, and civil society. It argues that capitalism and imperialism drive multiple crises—including climate change, biodiversity loss, and food insecurity—through extractivism, industrial agriculture, and the commodification of nature. The document advocates for a transition toward agroecology, food sovereignty, and feminist economies, while demanding the reform of the UN multilateral system to prioritize people over corporate interests. Key commitments include fighting for a legally binding treaty on transnational corporate accountability, implementing a feminist and just energy transition, and opposing 'green and blue' neoliberal regimes.

Twenty years after the 7/7 bombings, Islamist extremism remains a significant security threat in the UK, though it has shifted from top-down, group-organised attacks to grassroots, self-initiated actions by loosely connected individuals. The landscape is now characterised by a mix of traditional ideologies and hybridised forms of extremism amplified by social media. While some global movements have transitioned toward nationalist local governance, others, particularly in Africa, are expanding. A critical emerging trend is the radicalisation of minors, with a significant portion of recent terrorism convictions involving children and a rise in Prevent referrals for youth.

As of March 31, 2025, the GCF's total pledged amount decreased to USD 29.9 billion following the United States' revocation of USD 4 billion in outstanding pledges. The Fund has committed USD 16.7 billion to 297 projects across 133 countries, with a portfolio balance of 59% adaptation and 41% mitigation in grant-equivalent terms. The accredited entity network consists of 145 entities, 64% of which are Direct Access Entities. The Readiness Programme has approved USD 713 million for 862 grants, with 62% of support directed toward LDCs, SIDS, or African States. To manage a pipeline of 182 concept notes and 85 funding proposals, the GCF is implementing a 'targeted approach' to retire inactive legacy projects. The Project Preparation Facility (PPF) has committed USD 69.5 million to support 110 applications, unlocking USD 7.2 billion in total climate finance.

Nigeria ranks 162nd out of 181 countries on the 2025 WPS Index with a score of 0.495, which is below both the global average (0.650) and the Sub-Saharan Africa average (0.511). While the country has seen a turnaround in its ranking to 2017 levels, significant disparities persist between the North and South, particularly in education and exposure to conflict. The document highlights the role of National Action Plans (NAPs) and specific initiatives like the AGILE project and RESMAT, while noting that a lack of systematic monitoring and evaluation hinders the implementation of these frameworks.

This report by the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) examines the complex nexus of climate change, migration, and justice. It argues that climate change acts as a risk multiplier that interacts with socio-economic and political factors rather than being a sole driver of migration. The document identifies eight key challenges—including the oversimplification of the climate-conflict-migration link, the risks of instrumentalizing migration as adaptation, and the impacts of slow-onset events—and proposes interdisciplinary, rights-based solutions. SEI highlights its strengths in analyzing transboundary climate impacts, conducting grounded comparative research to shift power dynamics, and fostering global cooperation for sustainable livelihoods through tools like AidAtlas and Trase.