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Minister Rob Davies outlines South Africa's trade strategy, emphasizing the use of tariffs as a tool for industrial policy and the pursuit of regional integration through the Tripartite FTA. He expresses skepticism regarding the 2011 window for the WTO Doha Round, arguing that the 2008 text is unbalanced and fails to address agricultural distortions or the needs of emerging economies. The Minister also highlights the importance of strengthening ties with BRICS nations to move beyond exporting primary products toward mineral beneficiation and industrialization.

The document details a 2011 workshop on South African trade policy reform. It examines the challenges of the WTO Doha Development Round, specifically the imbalance between agricultural protections in developed nations and demands for market access in services and industrial goods (NAMA). The dialogue explores services liberalization from Indian and SADC regional perspectives, emphasizing the need for regulatory frameworks to support employment. Finally, it assesses the use of Industrial Development Zones (IDZs) and Export Processing Zones (EPZs) to lower business costs and attract investment to boost South African exports.

The document examines the evolving India-Africa partnership, highlighting energy as a primary driver due to India's rising import dependency. It details India's diversification strategy across coal, oil, natural gas, and uranium, while arguing that the relationship extends beyond energy into trade, defence, and capacity building. The analysis contrasts India's approach with that of China and the West, emphasizing the need for sustainable energy governance to avoid the 'resource curse' and energy poverty in Africa.

The paper examines the JinFei ETCZ in Mauritius as an anomaly in China's African investment strategy, which usually targets large markets or resource-rich countries. It argues that the project was realized through the proactive agency of the Mauritian government, which leveraged its stable 'soft infrastructure' and strategic location to position the island as a business platform between Asia and Africa. Despite initial delays due to land disputes and the 2008 financial crisis, the project was rescued by high-level Chinese political intervention and the entry of large state-owned enterprises from Shanxi Province, shifting the zone's focus from light manufacturing to services, real estate, and logistics.

The 2007–08 international food crisis had a modest impact on Tanzania compared to other poor countries, with an estimated 0.5–1% of the population driven into poverty, primarily in urban areas. While short-term government interventions like export bans and tariff reductions showed limited evidence of effectiveness, long-term economic reforms since the early 2000s helped the country maintain agricultural exports. The study highlights a persistent challenge in stabilizing agricultural output growth and suggests that greater integration with global markets could serve as insurance against domestic production shocks.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Zambia, highlighting the risks of debt instability and opaque trade deals against the benefits of infrastructure investment and new export markets. It argues that while China provides a critical alternative source of financing, Zambia's lack of a comprehensive policy and weak regulatory framework make it vulnerable to 'bad practices' and unsustainable borrowing. The author recommends the implementation of a Debt Management Bill, a Freedom of Information Act, and the development of a formal national policy on China to ensure that economic cooperation leads to pro-poor growth.

The document argues that the United States has lost its leverage in international climate negotiations due to its failure to enact domestic climate legislation and its opposition to the Kyoto Protocol. It highlights a growing divide between the U.S. and developing nations, particularly China, noting that China is investing more aggressively in clean energy despite U.S. pressure for mitigation commitments. The briefing also discusses a trade petition by the United Steelworkers against China's clean energy subsidies, suggesting this could trigger trade conflicts that undermine UNFCCC goals. It concludes by suggesting the U.S. should utilize the Bali Action Plan's carve-out to allow other developed nations to proceed with the Kyoto Protocol's second commitment period.

The author critiques South Africa's proposed industrial strategy, which relies on state subsidies, selective import barriers, and 'infant industry' protection. Drawing on examples from East Asia, the paper argues that such policies often fail and that sustainable growth in the 21st century requires integrating into global production chains, attracting foreign investment, and improving basic infrastructure and education rather than relying on government intervention to 'pick winners'.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is facing a crisis driven by disagreements over Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with the EU and a shrinking revenue pool. While member states agree the 2002 SACU Agreement has not been fully implemented, they are divided on whether the organisation should be deepened into a common market or downgraded to a Free Trade Area (FTA). South Africa's dominance and its desire to shift toward 'production-led' regional integration further complicate the union's stability.

The document examines how Latin American governments responded to the 2007-2008 food crisis through social protection policies, new legislation, and a focus on food security and sovereignty. It finds that responses were largely uniform across countries, often prioritizing short-term price reductions and trade barriers over long-term agricultural investment and regional cooperation. The report argues for a balanced approach combining macroeconomic stability, targeted social programs, and supply-side agricultural stimulus to address persistent high food prices.

The document analyzes China's 'exceptionalism' in Africa, a policy framework based on the 1955 Bandung conference principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual benefit. While this approach seeks to differentiate China from Western powers by emphasizing political equality and a non-donor-recipient model, the author identifies three primary challenges to its sustainability: the tension between non-interference and the protection of economic interests, the gap between nominal sovereign equality and actual power asymmetry, and the lack of central government control over autonomous sub-state and private actors.

The policy brief examines how Australia transitioned from a highly protected economy to a productive one starting in 1983 by using transparency to build public support for trade reform. It highlights the role of the Productivity Commission in providing evidence-based reports and the importance of adjustment assistance for affected sectors. The author recommends that South Africa establish a similar independent body of experts and engage the media to foster a consensus for trade liberalisation.

The report examines food security policies within the Southern African Development Community (SADC), noting that the region exists in a state of permanent food-security crisis. It discusses the role of the Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) and the risks associated with strategic grain reserves and inappropriate trade policies. The document emphasizes the importance of domestic production capabilities and short-term safety nets for vulnerable populations.

The report examines the intersection of climate change and ASEAN-facilitated trade and investment in the Mekong subregion, noting that while some countries use trade liberalization for growth, their natural resources remain vulnerable to climate risks. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of irreplaceable natural capital. Additionally, it notes that free trade agreements facilitating mining may be viewed as an adaptation to climate-threatened agriculture, though at a high cost to natural capital and livelihoods. The report recommends mainstreaming climate concerns into ASEAN's economic frameworks and implementing climate risk assessments for trading mechanisms.

The report analyzes how developing regions responded to the 200608 food crisis, noting a prevalence of short-term, often protectionist measures such as export bans and consumer subsidies. It argues that these immediate responses frequently conflicted with long-term goals of increasing agricultural production and that regional cooperation mechanisms were largely ineffective during the crisis. The author advocates for a 'new agricultural deal' at the global level and the institutional strengthening of regional agreements to provide credible collective economic security.

The report argues that while the Mekong subregion is highly vulnerable to climate-related risks, ASEAN-facilitated free trade agreements (FTAs) and economic partnership agreements (EPAs) largely lack explicit commitments to climate change. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of natural capital. The document recommends mainstreaming climate risk assessments into trade mechanisms and fostering cooperation between ASEAN, the Mekong River Commission (MRC), and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) initiative.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) faces existential threats driven by internal dissonance over revenue distribution and trade agreements. South Africa currently provides significant fiscal subsidies to Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) through a revenue pool that is deemed unsustainable and procyclical. Tensions are further exacerbated by the interim Economic Partnership Agreements (IEPAs) signed by Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland, which South Africa and Namibia refuse to sign. The author argues that the dissolution of the customs union could occur if these trade differences are not resolved, potentially leading to the economic collapse of Lesotho and Swaziland. To ensure stability, the document proposes a regional development agenda and the creation of a development fund to reduce BLNS dependence on the revenue pool and preserve the common external tariff.

The document outlines the strategic outlook for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), identifying critical drivers such as the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations and the stability of the revenue-sharing pool. It proposes four scenarios: 'Laduma!' (deepened integration), 'Own Goal' (fracture but continued financial support), 'Red Card' (collapse and financial withdrawal), and 'Wild Card' (deepened integration despite reduced financial transfers).

The document argues that the multilateral trading system is facing a period of impasse due to shifting global economic power and a lack of leadership from the US and EU. It suggests that the WTO's future lies in plurilateral agreements governed by a specific code of conduct to avoid marginalising poorer members. For South Africa, this shift necessitates a proactive strategy to manage stretched negotiating capacities and the formation of strategic alliances with other middle powers to protect African interests.