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The document analyzes the tension between South Africa's efforts to reform its copyright law via the Copyright Amendment Bill B13-2017 and the US Trade Representative's (USTR) review of South Africa's GSP eligibility. It argues that the US uses GSP conditionalities to protect its own IP interests and force reciprocity, which infringes on the national regulatory space of developing nations. The author suggests that South Africa and other African nations should diversify their exports toward knowledge-based goods and pursue a bottom-up approach to IP rights through the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to reduce dependence on unilateral US trade arrangements.

A statement by Friends of the Earth International and numerous global endorsers calling for an immediate cessation of trade negotiations at the WTO, bilateral, and regional levels. The authors argue that government resources must be redirected toward managing the COVID-19 health crisis, specifically by removing intellectual property rules and unilateral sanctions that hinder access to vaccines, medicines, and medical equipment. The document asserts that the pandemic necessitates a fundamental rethink of trade rules that encourage monopolies and restrict affordable healthcare.

The author contends that the EU's current trade policy is characterized by an 'inertia' that prioritizes unconditional liberalization over environmental and social goals. While the EU aims for carbon neutrality via the Green Deal, its trade framework continues to promote 'new generation' bilateral agreements that limit state sovereignty through investor-state dispute settlements and 'living agreements' that bypass democratic control. The text argues that the EU remains a net importer of carbon, with one-third of its footprint stemming from imports, and calls for a shift toward trade regulation that conditions market access on the achievement of environmental and social objectives.

The document analyzes the divergence between the EU and WTO regarding the precautionary principle (PP), highlighting that the EU treats it as a constitutional legal principle while the WTO incorporates elements of precaution implicitly and restrictively. It argues that the EU's framework provides superior environmental protection by allowing for permanent measures, a broader interpretation of scientific uncertainty, and the inclusion of societal risk tolerance. The briefing concludes that the UK must retain its EU-inherited approach to precaution to resist deregulatory pressure from trading partners.

The paper outlines three primary areas where South Africa can exert leadership as AU chair: 'Silencing the Guns' by mediating conflicts in Libya and South Sudan; ensuring the timely implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) by July 1, 2020; and revitalizing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to improve continental governance.

The report traces the evolution of e-commerce governance at the WTO from the 1998 work programme to the 2017 Joint Statement Initiative (JSI). It examines how existing WTO agreements like GATS and TRIPS apply to digital trade and details the ongoing negotiations among 83 members. Key challenges identified include the digital divide between developed and developing nations, disagreements over data flows and localization, and the lack of a consensus on whether to create new rules or revise existing ones.

The document traces the evolution of e-commerce in the WTO from the 1998 Work Programme to the 2017 Joint Statement Initiative (JSI). It analyzes how existing WTO rules like GATS and TRIPS apply to digital trade and details the ongoing negotiations among 83 members. Key challenges identified include the digital divide between developed and developing nations, disagreements over data flows and localization, and the lack of consensus on whether to create new rules or revise existing ones.

The report argues that a solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by expanding market access, increasing productivity, and attracting investment. Using sectoral and total factor productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors project that a settlement could increase the total GDP by between €11 billion and €17.4 billion over 20 years compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong inclusive institutions, technical transition periods, and a concerted effort to close the gender gap in the workforce, particularly in the Turkish Cypriot community. Additionally, it assesses the financial viability of property restitution, suggesting that a significant portion of compensation costs could be covered by the increased state revenues generated by the peace dividend.

The document defines anti-agricultural bias as a condition where policies and market failures disadvantage farmers relative to other economic sectors. It details four primary economic indicators for measuring this bias: the Nominal Rate of Protection, the Nominal Rate of Assistance, the Relative Rate of Assistance, and the Effective Rate of Protection. The report argues that while historical bias was driven by explicit taxes on agriculture and subsidies for industry, contemporary bias in non-transformed economies often stems from market failures, such as poor infrastructure and unbalanced market power. Through case studies of 12 countries, the report demonstrates that bias is often heterogeneous across different crops; for example, rice often benefits from protection via regional tariffs, while cash crops like tea or cashew nuts are frequently taxed. Specific country analyses reveal that in nations like Ethiopia and Zambia, high anti-agricultural bias is driven by low output prices and export bans, despite the presence of agricultural import tariffs.

The briefing introduces a policy taxonomy for agricultural transformation that categorizes interventions based on their target: agricultural markets, the rural economy, the macroeconomy, or institutions. It emphasizes the concept of 'anti-agricultural bias'—where policies favor other sectors like industry over agriculture—and argues that removing this bias is a critical precondition for successful agricultural transformation, citing Brazil and Vietnam as positive examples and Ethiopia, Malawi, Togo, and Uganda as countries where such bias persists.

The author argues that EU free trade agreements (FTAs) provide a mixed record of worker protection. While TSD chapters reinforce fundamental International Labour Organization (ILO) standards, they lack binding enforcement sanctions and neglect broader employment laws. The EU's ability to strengthen these protections is constrained by a legal division of competences between the EU and its member states, which limits the EU's solo authority to regulate social protection levels. The author suggests that 'regulatory cooperation' mechanisms could be a viable path to improve oversight and prevent a 'race to the bottom' in social standards.

The document assesses the multifaceted threats climate change poses to global food security, highlighting that while some high-latitude regions may see productivity gains, the global South—especially sub-Saharan Africa—faces severe risks of yield losses and increased hunger. It argues for a systemic approach to adaptation, moving beyond autonomous adjustments to planned strategies. Key priorities include increasing public investment in agricultural research, adopting Climate-Smart Agriculture (CSA), expanding irrigation, and improving the resilience of food value chains. The authors emphasize that adaptation must be balanced with greenhouse gas mitigation and social equity, particularly regarding gender and youth in agriculture.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.

The research assesses agro-processing opportunities in South Africa, Mozambique, Zambia, Tanzania, and Mauritius, highlighting the potential for regional integration. It identifies specific growth opportunities in soybean production in Zambia, Tanzania, and Mozambique, and processing opportunities for tobacco in Mozambique. The paper recommends harmonising SADC standards, reducing transport costs, and reviewing sugar sector policies to strengthen regional value chains.

The document argues that while President Jair Bolsonaro's administration represents a shift toward neoliberal economics and a closer alignment with the United States, these changes are unlikely to cause a schism within the BRICS. It suggests that Brazil's national interests will continue to drive cooperation, particularly in trade, development finance, and global governance. The author recommends that the bloc leverage Brazil's presidency to address trade imbalances with China through partial scope agreements and align the New Development Bank's loans with national development agendas to ensure financial sustainability.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) faces a gap between political enthusiasm and technical implementation. While the African Union aims for a formal launch in July 2019, critical components such as tariff schedules, rules of origin, and protocols for trade in goods and services remain unfinished. UNCTAD suggests full liberalisation could increase intra-African exports by 33%, but failure to deliver concrete benefits for investors and traders could undermine the project's legitimacy.

The document examines how the G20 has shifted from crisis management to a broader development focus, resulting in targeted engagements with Africa. It compares China's Industrialisation Initiative, which leveraged existing bilateral ties and focused on skills transfer, with Germany's Compact with Africa (CwA), a demand-driven model focusing on regulatory reforms to attract private investment. It also notes Argentina's approach of deepening diplomatic access for African representatives. The authors argue that while engagement has increased, Africa remains structurally excluded from global norm-setting and requires greater capacity and consistent representation within the G20 to influence global economic governance.

The document examines the persistent instability in Lesotho, focusing on the politicisation of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF), the failure of frequent elections to provide legitimacy, and a small economy heavily reliant on government spending. It argues that while security sector reform and electoral changes are necessary, long-term stability requires diversifying the economy and improving the relationship with South Africa to reduce the competition for state resources.

The author contends that existing trade agreements, such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), prioritize corporate interests over public regulation and environmental standards, contributing to the rise of right-wing populism. To address this, the document proposes a green trade strategy where agreements are only concluded with nations committed to the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. This strategy advocates for the removal of investor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, the integration of enforceable social and ecological standards, and the application of the 'precautionary principle' to protect consumers. Additionally, the author argues that trade policy must be supported by regional industrial policies to manage structural economic changes and stricter competition laws to limit the market power of multinational corporations.

The report examines the 2019 outlook for the African Union's Peace and Security Council, highlighting the potential return of major powers like South Africa and Ethiopia to the council. It critiques the slow implementation of AU reforms, specifically regarding financial self-sufficiency and the reduction of the AU Commission. The document details a volatile 2019 electoral calendar across 11+ countries and warns of escalating instability in Gabon, Cameroon, and the Sahel. Additionally, it discusses the progress of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the tensions surrounding AU-EU negotiations.