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The document outlines the necessity of a Global Just Transition to phase out fossil fuels by 2050, emphasizing the disproportionate economic burden on developing nations. It proposes a framework for financing this transition through new multilateral funds, the redirection of USD 5.9 trillion in annual fossil fuel subsidies, and systemic reforms to debt, taxation, and international financial institutions.

The document argues that while encouraging sustainable investment is a central policy challenge, treaties have a limited role compared to national and regional legal frameworks. It suggests that if treaties are used, they should focus on complementary roles such as facilitating international cooperation on high borrowing costs in developing countries, phasing out fossil fuel investments, and ensuring access to justice for those affected by investor misconduct. The authors emphasize that domestic law should remain the primary level of regulation for the social and environmental impacts of investment projects.

The document argues that the current model of investment protection is often ineffective and suggests that future treaties should prioritize sustainable investment, the regulation of investor conduct, and international cooperation to support the energy transition and sustainable development goals.

The report argues that the traditional model of investment treaties, focused on protecting foreign investors through investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), is often ineffective and can obstruct climate action. It proposes a new framework where treaties serve as complementary tools to national laws, focusing on encouraging sustainable investment, ensuring corporate accountability for social and environmental impacts, and fostering international cooperation on issues like fossil fuel phase-outs and technology transfer.

This executive summary argues that the current international investment treaty regime is often ineffective and suggests a fundamental rethink of its purpose. The authors propose that treaties should shift from focusing on investor protection to supporting sustainable investment, ensuring positive social and environmental impacts, and solving collective action problems in global governance. Key recommendations include prioritizing national laws for regulation, limiting treaty protections to sustainable investments, and using international frameworks to tackle high capital costs in developing countries and the phase-out of fossil fuel investments.

The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), effective October 2023, imposes carbon tariffs on imports to prevent carbon leakage and encourage global decarbonisation. The document argues that the CBAM will disproportionately harm African countries, particularly least-developed countries (LDCs), by reducing GDP and exports of key materials like aluminium, iron, and steel. It highlights concerns regarding the mechanism's equity, its potential conflict with WTO non-discrimination rules, and the EU's plan to use revenues for internal debt rather than supporting LDCs. The brief recommends that the AfCFTA negotiate for exemptions, a slower phase-in period, and the exclusion of indirect emissions, while urging the EU to increase climate finance and technology transfers to Africa.

The document maps the governance landscape of the WTO regarding trade and the environment. It details the roles of various committees, the dispute settlement mechanism, and the Trade Policy Review Mechanism in monitoring and negotiating environmental measures. It also highlights three major member-led initiatives—TESSD, DPP, and FFSR—and the role of the WTO Secretariat in facilitating information exchange and technical assistance to support sustainable development and climate goals.

The report provides a comprehensive compilation of excerpts from the WTO's Thirteenth Ministerial Conference (MC13), focusing on the intersection of global trade with environmental sustainability, climate change, and the UN 2030 Agenda. It highlights a strong collective push to finalize the second phase of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies to combat overcapacity and overfishing, while revealing a significant divide between developed and developing nations regarding unilateral environmental trade measures and the need for special and differential treatment (SDT).

The report highlights a divide between emerging middle powers (IBSA) and Germany regarding the war in Ukraine, the dominance of the US dollar, and the role of BRICS+. While IBSA respondents prefer mediation in conflicts and view the US dollar's dominance unfavourably, German respondents support Ukraine and view the dollar's role as favourable. Despite these differences, there is shared optimism for the G20 and a common interest in the 2030 Agenda, specifically regarding technology transfer and global public investment.

The document examines two primary tracks of e-commerce governance at the WTO: the multilateral Work Program on Electronic Commerce and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI). It highlights the reinvigorated thematic discussions under the Work Program and the 'slimmed-down' nature of the JSI negotiations following the US decision to withdraw support for data flow and source code proposals. A central point of contention is the provisional moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, where developing economies argue that the loss of government revenue and restricted industrial policy space outweigh the trade cost reductions favored by developed economies.

The document examines the systemic barriers preventing developing countries from moving beyond simple technology acquisition to endogenous climate technology development. It analyzes the role of the UNFCCC and WTO frameworks, the impact of intellectual property rights (IPR), and the limitations of trade liberalization. The author argues that effective technology transfer requires a combination of financial support, technical know-how, and 'green industrial policy' to ensure sustainable low-carbon structural transformation.

The document argues that a plastics treaty must include a clear mandate for implementation and compliance mechanisms, including the early creation of an Implementation and Compliance Committee. It recommends a combined approach that is primarily facilitative but allows for punitive non-compliance response measures. To ensure effectiveness, the brief proposes a dual reporting system: frequent reports on legal obligations and less frequent reports on broader implementation, impacts, and challenges.

The Forum on Trade, Environment, & the SDGs (TESS) provides feedback on a draft WTO statement for MC13, urging members to move from identifying actions to advancing concrete commitments. TESS recommends strengthening the document's environmental credibility, specifically by cautioning against the promotion of certain bioplastics like polylactic acid (PLA) and emphasizing the needs of developing countries and small island developing states (SIDS). The statement advocates for increased transparency in trade flows, enhanced capacity building for manufacturing sustainable substitutes, and closer alignment with the ongoing international plastics treaty process and the Basel Convention.

Hon. Keisal Peters, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, outlines four priorities for inclusive cooperation on trade and climate. These include equipping the World Trade Organization (WTO) to handle sustainability issues through transparency and technology transfer, promoting the circular economy in SIDS, reforming the global financial architecture to improve climate financing access, and ensuring fairness and justice in global trade to prevent the disenfranchisement of small nations.

The document examines the evolving integration of ocean issues into the UNFCCC climate process, noting a shift from limited recognition in the Paris Agreement to the establishment of the annual Ocean and Climate Change Dialogue. While 2022 saw significant momentum through the 'Super Year of the Ocean' and the BBNJ agreement, the author argues that COP27 outcomes were overly process-oriented and lacked strong language on finance. For COP28, the brief recommends that African stakeholders leverage regional forums and the African Group of Negotiators to shift the global dialogue from knowledge sharing to concrete implementation, utilizing regional successes like the Great Blue Wall and Seychelles' debt-for-nature swap to advocate for increased finance, capacity building, and technology transfer.

The report identifies and analyzes six core principles of international law—sovereignty, prevention, cooperation, non-discrimination, sustainable development/equity/CBDR-RC, and transparency/consultation—as a framework for designing trade-related climate measures. It argues that such measures are 'legal hybrids' drawing from trade, environment, and human rights law. The expert group emphasizes that these principles should be applied cumulatively and coherently to ensure a just global green transition, particularly by accounting for the different national circumstances of developing countries.

The submission argues that the draft SAREM over-relies on private investment and fails to sufficiently address the impact of the global supply chain crisis on renewable energy costs. It advocates for a state-led industrial policy, including the use of import tariffs and the central role of Eskom in renewable generation, to avoid 'boom-bust' cycles and ensure a just transition for workers. Key recommendations include establishing a 'decent work' framework, implementing aggressive local content requirements (suggesting 50% for future RFPs), and creating a technology transfer system to support local manufacturing.

A coalition of Global South organizations argues that the EU's Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA) lacks sufficient due diligence and safeguards to protect the rights of people and environments in resource-rich countries. They demand a human-rights-based approach to decarbonization, including mandatory due diligence, the requirement of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) for Indigenous Peoples, and a shift from treating these countries as mere raw material suppliers to establishing equitable partnerships that include technology transfer and value addition.

The report examines the G7 Climate Club, an intergovernmental forum aimed at achieving global net-zero emissions by mid-century. While acknowledging its goals, the author argues that the Club's structure—particularly its focus on rapid decarbonisation and potential trade restrictions—could undermine African development. Key concerns include the economic reliance of African nations on hydrocarbon exports, the high cost of transitioning to low-carbon industrial processes, and the risk of trade protectionism through mechanisms like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The report highlights a history of unfulfilled G7 financial pledges to Africa and recommends a co-design approach that prioritises technology transfer, climate justice, and financial support over strict carbon accounting and trade sanctions.

The document highlights that national budgets in developing and emerging economies are insufficient for deep emission reductions due to high debt distress. It asserts that developed countries must lead by providing finance, technology, and knowledge transfer under the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR). The paper introduces nine exploratory principles to scale ambition and facilitate just transitions, recommending a bottom-up approach to articulating finance needs rooted in national priorities and the development of shared goals for international climate finance.