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The research investigates the role of ICT in environmental sustainability research across four sectors, identifying five common macro-areas of application: observation and monitoring, modelling and simulation, socio-economic analysis, policy analysis and planning, and capacity building and cooperation. The study finds that 'information systems and software' and 'communication technology, networks, distributed systems' are the most used ICT categories across most sectors, though 'electronics and microsystems' predominate in climate change research due to observation and monitoring needs. Respondents consistently ranked the scientific relevance of ICT as the highest priority, followed by political and then economic relevance. The analysis suggests that future ICT requirements are driven by current tool usage and the desire to improve scientific exchange and policy interfaces, particularly for e-governance and public awareness.

The policy brief introduces 'climate compatible development' as a framework to move beyond the traditional separation of adaptation, mitigation, and development strategies. It argues that policy makers must integrate these three pillars to achieve 'triple win' strategies that minimize climate threats while maximizing development opportunities. The document highlights the 'new development landscape' characterized by shifting trade patterns, new climate finance mechanisms based on 'polluter-pays' principles, and the need for long-term national consensus to navigate risks and uncertainties.

The National Climate Change Policy Framework (NCCPF) seeks to protect Ghana's development progress from climate shocks while transitioning to a low-carbon growth path. The framework identifies critical vulnerabilities in the coastal zone, agriculture, and water resources, noting that the poorest populations and women are disproportionately affected. To address these, the NCCPF focuses on three main objectives: low carbon growth, effective adaptation, and social development, supported by seven systemic pillars including governance, finance, and capacity building. Key targets include generating 10% of energy from renewable resources by 2020 and implementing 'climate-proof' infrastructure.

The document argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change despite being among the lightest polluters. It highlights critical threats to water and food security, the potential for climate change to act as a 'threat multiplier' for conflict, and the urgent need for improved climate information and financial compensation from developed nations for adaptation.

The paper examines the carbon trading landscape, focusing on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the potential for South Africa to establish a local carbon market. It highlights that while South Africa is the only African country among the top 20 CDM host countries, it remains underrepresented in carbon credit generation due to financing and technical hurdles. The authors argue that a shift from coal dependence to renewable energy is necessary to meet domestic and international targets, and that policy certainty is required to attract further investment.

The statement outlines the architecture and status of South Africa's national APRM programme, emphasizing that civil society is the most critical component for ensuring the process's legitimacy. It identifies significant barriers to effective participation, including a lack of national ownership, limited access to information, and a critical shortage of financial resources, particularly for smaller NGOs. The document calls for collaborative strategies between government, business, and civil society to address these capacity gaps and align national performance targets with APRM goals.

The document examines the evolution of South–South co-operation through the lens of the BRIC and IBSA forums. It argues that while these emerging powers have the potential to challenge neo-liberal globalisation and shift global governance toward a multipolar world, they must move beyond rhetoric to adopt inclusive mechanisms that prioritise the development interests of Africa and the broader South to avoid becoming a 'rich man’s club'.

The briefing argues that meeting climate mitigation and adaptation challenges in developing countries requires more than just technology transfer; it requires a 'systems of innovation' approach. It proposes Climate Innovation Centres (CICs) as multi-disciplinary, facilitating organisations located in developing countries to bridge gaps in the innovation chain, such as adapting technologies to local conditions, creating markets, and designing policy regimes. The document highlights that different technologies and countries have unique innovation needs, meaning no 'cookie-cutter' formula exists. It cites India's National Biomass Cookstove Initiative as an illustrative example of this innovation-centered approach.

The Centre for Environmental Rights and a coalition of environmental NGOs are urging the South African government to use legislative powers to prohibit mining in areas of critical biodiversity and hydrological value. They offer to provide scientific evidence and a list of sensitive areas to assist a government task team in improving environmental compliance and sustainable development in the mining sector.

The document contends that HFC-23 destruction projects create perverse incentives for manufacturers to increase the production of potent greenhouse gases to profit from carbon credits. It highlights that these credits, which made up 59% of offsets used by European companies in 2009, do not support sustainable development and conflict with the goals of the UNFCCC and the Montreal Protocol.

The document examines the environmental and economic flaws of HFC-23 destruction projects within the CDM, noting that the high value of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) encourages the production of HCFC-22 and its byproduct HFC-23. It highlights a conflict between the CDM and the Montreal Protocol, where CDM subsidies may prolong the life of older, more emissive factories. The briefing concludes that the EU should ban HFC-23 CERs from the EU ETS to redirect investment toward sustainable energy and support the Montreal Protocol's phase-out of HCFCs.

The document examines the 'source problem' (energy supply) and 'sink problem' (pollution) within endogenous growth frameworks. It argues that while resource scarcity can drag down growth, it also creates incentives for directed technological change and efficiency gains that can sustain long-run development. The authors compare stylized analytical models with complex CGE-models, noting that the latter are better for sector-specific policy analysis but often act as 'black-boxes'.

The document analyzes how China can align its trade policies with a 'sustainable trade strategy' consisting of five core objectives: rebalancing the economy, increasing added value, promoting services, advancing Chinese brands/IP, and supporting a harmonious international trade architecture. It argues that while macroeconomic tools are best for rebalancing, other goals can be pursued through a mix of reciprocal trade agreements, soft-law initiatives, and unilateral measures. The authors suggest that in the near-to-medium term, China should prioritize regional dialogue-driven measures and soft-law agreements in East Asia, as well as ensuring compatibility with global climate change accords, rather than relying solely on the WTO, where progress is slower.

The document analyzes the 40-year history of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), identifying its strengths in promoting public engagement and its failures in baseline data quality and mitigation enforcement. It argues that Human Rights Impact Assessment (HRIA) can avoid these pitfalls by adopting specific procedural improvements, such as earlier implementation, broader definitions of affected parties, and external monitoring of mitigation measures.

The document is the 12th issue of the Sur International Journal on Human Rights, focusing on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and their alignment with human rights. A central component is an analysis of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that while the CDM facilitates investment and technology transfer to the Global South, it lacks a robust rights-based approach, fails to ensure equitable geographical distribution of projects, and lacks effective accountability and grievance mechanisms. The issue also includes discussions on maternal health, the right to health (MDG 6), indigenous peoples' rights, and corporate human rights obligations.

The briefing examines the tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and ASEAN. It argues that while regional strategies and national laws exist, actual commitment to environmental protection in trade policy remains low, often driven more by foreign donor interests than by regional political will. The author highlights the 'ASEAN Way' of non-binding consensus as a barrier to enforcement and recommends strengthening regional ownership and civil society engagement.

The document examines the tension between rapid economic transition and environmental degradation in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). It highlights how trade liberalization and infrastructure development, such as economic corridors and hydropower projects, have contributed to soil erosion and illegal wildlife and timber trade. While regional frameworks like the ASEAN Regional Action Plan on Trade in Wild Fauna and Flora and the Singapore Declaration on Climate Change exist, the report argues they are often non-binding 'soft law' and lack enforcement capacity. It specifically notes that climate change is expected to increase basin-wide temperatures by 0.79C and flooding by 2030. The author recommends that GMS countries coordinate conservation laws, establish a unified greenhouse gas inventory system, and subject trading mechanisms to formal climate risk assessments to move beyond 'token commitments'.

The fact sheet examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong Subregion, noting that while regional strategies like the 'Green ASEAN' vision exist, implementation is hindered by national political obstacles and a lack of transparency. It highlights the negative impact of illegal wildlife and timber trade, the limited influence of domestic civil society, and the dominant role of foreign donors in driving environmental mainstreaming into trade policy.

The report investigates the feasibility of using the WTO, UNFCCC, and G-20 as homes for international fossil-fuel subsidy reform. It argues that while the WTO has the legal tools and the UNFCCC has the climate mandate, neither is currently politically viable for a binding agreement. Instead, it proposes a multi-forum approach led by the G-20's political momentum, moving from short-term coordination of research and monitoring toward a long-term negotiated agreement.

The report finds that while Southeast Asian nations have adopted environmental legislation, these concerns are frequently sidelined by industrialization and trade liberalization goals. In the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam), the integration of environmental sustainability into trade policy is primarily driven by foreign donors rather than regional institutions like the Asian Development Bank or the Mekong River Commission. While Thailand shows progress through judicial intervention and business awareness, and Vietnam through donor-funded strategic plans, regional agreements like the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement lack environmental cooperation provisions. The report concludes that the 'ASEAN Way' of soft law and a lack of administrative capacity hinder enforcement, and recommends strengthening regional ownership and coordination between donors and the ASEAN Secretariat.