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ClientEarth urges the European Commission to use the European Oceans Pact to move beyond 'paper parks' and policy silos. The organization calls for a systemic approach to enforcement of the Common Fisheries Policy and Habitats Directive, the creation of an EU Ocean Fund to replace the EMFAF, and the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies in the maritime sector. It advocates for legally binding targets to protect 30% of EU seas by 2030 and a ban on destructive activities like bottom trawling in all Marine Protected Areas.

The report identifies a substantial investment gap of approximately USD 146.4 billion to meet Indonesia's 2030 Enhanced Nationally Determined Contribution (ENDC) targets. While the government budget provides about one-third of the necessary funding, private financial institutions' contributions remain low, representing only 3% of their total investments. Key barriers include contradictory policies, such as fossil fuel subsidies outweighing climate spending, and a financing mismatch where commercial banks rely on short-term deposits for long-term, capital-intensive climate projects. The report recommends harmonizing sustainable finance policies through the Indonesia Taxonomy for Sustainable Finance (TKBI), enabling alternative instruments like sustainability-linked loans and carbon finance, and enhancing transparency via IFRS S1 and S2 disclosure standards.

The report highlights a stark contrast between the $7 trillion in annual global fossil fuel subsidies and the limited funding for climate action. It proposes a $150 per tonne of CO2e levy on international shipping as a landmark mechanism to make polluters pay and fund a just energy transition. While supported by over 50 countries representing 66% of the global fleet, the levy is opposed by BRICS and Petro-States, who account for 68% of fossil fuel subsidies. The author contends that such a levy is legally viable and essential to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The document argues that environmentally harmful subsidies (EHS) exceed USD 2 trillion annually, creating perverse incentives that drive biodiversity loss and climate change. It proposes a theory of change based on the 'Multiple Streams and Policy Windows Framework'—defining the problem, identifying solutions, and creating political support—to catalyze reform. The playbook outlines 25 specific opportunities for philanthropic engagement, ranging from independent national assessments and technical support for Global South governments to the creation of 'first-mover clubs' of governments. It emphasizes that transparency alone is insufficient and that durable reform requires the co-development of repurposing strategies to support vulnerable groups and businesses transitioning away from harmful subsidies.

The document contains technical appendices for a report on reforming environmentally harmful subsidies (EHS). It introduces a 'Fiscal Pressure' indicator to identify countries where high debt and deficits create strong incentives for subsidy reform, and provides a stakeholder analysis mapping the influence and attitudes of businesses, governments, consumers, and civil society toward EHS reform.

The document analyzes how international agreements, regional legislation, and industry competition hinder the removal of fossil fuel subsidies in aviation and shipping. It argues that while fuel taxation is often restricted by bilateral agreements or regional directives like the EU's Energy Taxation Directive, emissions levies through the ICAO and IMO offer viable pathways to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fund the transition to sustainable fuels.

The document argues that while the energy transition is accelerating, current efforts are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C, and the shift in energy demand will fundamentally reshape global trade and geopolitics. It highlights a significant investment gap, noting that emerging markets and developing economies outside China account for only about 15% of global clean energy spending. The report identifies several trade-related barriers, including protectionist tariffs on electric vehicles, divergent technical standards, and the persistence of fossil fuel subsidies, which reached $7 trillion globally in 2023. It specifically warns that Border Carbon Adjustment Mechanisms (BCAs) and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) provisions in investment treaties may disproportionately burden developing nations. To achieve an equitable transition, the authors recommend reforming WTO subsidy rules, increasing financial support for local value addition in critical minerals, and coordinating the phase-out of fossil fuel production.

The briefing identifies five priority areas for Canada to eliminate fossil fuel subsidies: reforming major tax credits, addressing losses from the Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion, ending support for carbon capture and storage, stopping LNG infrastructure subsidies, and ensuring low-carbon funds do not benefit fossil fuel companies. It highlights a lack of transparency, noting Canada failed to publish a promised inventory of subsidies by December 2024. The document also details provincial-level subsidies, including fuel tax cuts and infrastructure support, and calls for a comprehensive inventory of all financial supports to the sector.

The energy transition accelerated in 2024, driven by record uptake in solar, wind, and electric vehicles as costs for solar modules and batteries fell significantly. While renewables are poised to overtake coal as the leading power source in 2025 and many nations have set net-zero goals, progress in energy efficiency and methane reduction remains off track. The document argues that achieving 2030 targets requires shifting fossil fuel subsidies toward clean energy investments, particularly in emerging economies.

The report identifies four technical pillars for industrial decarbonization in East Asia: energy and material efficiency, electrification with renewable energy, CCUS, and green hydrogen/clean feedstocks. It highlights significant barriers, including high fossil fuel dependence, insufficient clean power infrastructure, a lack of fit-for-purpose finance, and a skills gap in the workforce. The document proposes a comprehensive policy package focusing on industry-power co-optimization, cluster-based financing, and vocational training to achieve net-zero targets by 2050 or 2060.

The report tracks G20 climate commitments from 2008 to 2024, noting a shift from general statements to specific goals like phasing out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implementing the Paris Agreement. It highlights the disruptive impact of US withdrawals from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration and the challenges of institutional memory within the G20. For its 2025 presidency, South Africa focuses on 'solidarity, equality and sustainability', with specific priorities for Africa-focused energy access, climate-resilient agriculture, and scaling adaptation finance.

The Production Gap Report 2025 finds that governments are planning more fossil fuel production than in 2023, with projected 2030 levels exceeding 1.5°C-consistent pathways by over 120%. While some countries are advancing clean energy transitions, 17 of 20 profiled major producers still plan to increase the production of at least one fossil fuel by 2030, undermining global climate commitments.

NGOs BLOOM, ClientEarth, Oceana, and Seas At Risk call on EU Commissioners to finalize the Energy Taxation Directive (ETD) revision to remove fuel tax exemptions and release a roadmap for the decarbonisation of the fisheries sector. The letter argues that current subsidies distort the market, favor industrial fleets over small-scale fishers, and contribute to the release of up to 1 gigaton of carbon via bottom trawling. The authors advocate for a just transition that prioritizes low-impact, artisanal fisheries to ensure energy security and the long-term viability of marine resources.

The compendium details the legal arguments presented from December 2 to December 13, 2024, at the ICJ. It highlights a fundamental divide between climate-vulnerable nations and several high-emitting States. Vulnerable nations, including many Small Island Developing States (SIDS), argue for a 'harmonious interpretation' of international law, asserting that obligations to prevent transboundary harm and protect human rights exist independently of and complement the Paris Agreement. They demand accountability for historical emissions and full reparations, including debt cancellation. Conversely, a minority of high-emitting States, such as the United States, Russia, and Saudi Arabia, argue that the UN climate treaty regime (UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, and Paris Agreement) is the exclusive source of State obligations, seeking to limit liability and reject the applicability of customary international law or human rights law to climate mitigation.

The policy brief outlines three critical benchmarks for 1.5 °C-aligned NDCs: tripling renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency by 2030, phasing out new fossil fuel projects with production declines of 65-95% by 2050, and eliminating fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 for G7 nations and 2030 for others. It highlights a significant 'production gap' where major producers plan to increase output despite climate imperatives. The authors recommend that new NDCs include quantitative phase-out targets, commitments to no new exploration licenses, and national roadmaps for subsidy reform that prioritize social protection and clean energy investment.

The report argues that current financing frameworks for sustainable development, climate, and nature are fragmented and insufficient. It proposes that FfD4 conduct a cross-disciplinary review of these frameworks, implement a 'grander bargain' on sovereign debt relief, provide practical guidance on domestic resource mobilization (DRM), and foster multi-stakeholder coordination to align private finance with public goals.

COP 29 concluded with a new climate finance goal of at least USD 300 billion per year by 2035 for developing countries, though this remains below their identified needs. The conference saw a lack of progress on the COP 28 energy package, including the rejection of proposals for annual progress reports on transitioning away from fossil fuels and a failure to reiterate calls to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. While the national adaptation plan (NAP) assessment was delayed to 2025, agreements were reached on indicators for the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience and the establishment of the Baku Adaptation Road Map. Additionally, the Lima work programme on gender was extended by 10 years, but the document notes a failure to explicitly address human rights and gender-responsive finance in the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision.

Attribution studies in Brazil indicate that fossil fuel combustion increased the likelihood and intensity of recent floods in Rio Grande do Sul and droughts in the Amazon. Despite these impacts, the Brazilian government continues to support oil and gas expansion, with plans to increase oil production by 63% and gas by 124% by 2032. Petrobras, which controls over 90% of domestic production, is estimated to be responsible for USD 500 billion in climate damages between 2018 and 2023. While Brazil has pledged to reduce emissions by up to 67% by 2035 and has successfully increased wind and solar power to reduce reliance on hydropower, its overall climate policies are rated as 'Insufficient' by Climate Action Tracker.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

Global warming projections for 2100 have remained stagnant since 2021, with current policies leading to a median estimate of 2.7°C of warming. While clean energy investments now double those for fossil fuels, record-high fossil fuel subsidies and funding for prolonging projects are preventing the steep emissions decline required by the Paris Agreement. The briefing emphasizes that seven large emitters and the COP Troika countries, responsible for 63% of 2022 global emissions, must set more ambitious 2030 and 2035 targets to align with 1.5°C.